To be fair, that article was written 3 weeks before your post. I read your post 812850, but I haven't learned what the Russian air doctrine is. Can you explain in more detail?
I am aware that the article was written on the 4th of March prior to writing my review, although I read this article today when it was posted here.
But there are people getting hurt unnecessarily because of my comment. hahahaha
Let's analyze his text.
"On the day of the invasion, an anticipated series of large-scale Russian air operations in the aftermath of initial cruise- ballistic-missiles strikes did not materialise"
I ask myself: And was this supposed to happen? For what reason? How does this fit into Russian strategy in Ukraine?
He goes on to address the unlikely explanations for this, but explains that these reasons do not fully explain the "non-existent" RuAF, which is entirely correct.
After arguing for the modernization of the Russian air force and the assets positioned in the southern and western districts, he states the following:
"There was clearly an intent to at least signal their use, especially in light of the Russian military intervention in Syria since 2015 which has been characterized by heavy use of VKS fixed-wing assets for combat-air patrols and strike missions."
I ask myself: Was there really such signage? For what reason?
The "official and acknowledged" reason would be if Russia were willing to annex all of Ukraine, a fait accompli that this was never Russia's intention, even in the face of abundant evidence of operational and strategic errors by the Russian military.
Then he follows:
"One potential argument is that the VKS fighter fleets are being held in reserve, potentially as a deterrent against direct intervention by NATO forces. This operations is unlikely to be the case. If the VKS is capable of large-scale combat to rapidly establish air. superiority over Ukraine, by not doing so, it is, in fact, weakening its potential deterrent value against NATO forces rather than preserving it."
Two conceptual errors in this statement.
The first is that the VKS since its inception is still clinging to the operational concepts of an air force subordinated to ground forces, a doctrinal model since Soviet times, this is essential because both the VVS and the PVO were defensive air forces, the PVO it acted even more defensively than the VVS, and this is easily proven. Both NATO and the Warsaw Pact claimed that their forces were defensive, and indeed, equipment from the East seemed to confirm this position: almost 60% of the aircraft were interceptors, and just over 30% were conventional or nuclear strike devices. Both sides devoted 8% of their air forces to reconnaissance, but NATO used two-thirds of its aircraft for attack and only 1/4 for defense. This entire set of interception-capable aircraft as an air backbone of the Warsaw Pact acted as a great complement to all the integrated air defense, the cooperative engagement capability that the US has today in the US Navy, the Soviets already had since the 1980s, with interceptor fighters and integrated anti-aircraft defense apparatus, we can trace it back to at least the launch of the MiG-31.
That hasn't changed since then. Importantly, Russia's military doctrine is not built on airpower, as one might say as the West employs airpower, but views airpower as subservient to its ground forces. Forbes writer David Axe claims that Russia's air force is primarily used as air artillery. It is an entirely correct statement, but still incomplete. But this may, in fact, be a direct result of NATO's enormous airpower capabilities and the Russian understanding that it could lose air superiority in the event of a full-scale conflict. Instead of trying to win a losing battle, Russian doctrine has shifted to accept the idea that it may not control the airspace it is fighting, i.e. Russian doctrine is not geared towards achieving air superiority, the Russians know well. its limitations and that in an air war between the two sides trying to obtain air superiority turning into a war of attrition, the side that bears the most losses will win, that side is clearly NATO in a totally absolute way. And this also applies to the case of VKS in Ukraine, even though it is comparatively superior in numbers and quality, but still following the doctrinal logic of VKS.
The second misconception is that even if the VKS were able to carry out complex air operations and effectively employ what it has available in the vicinity of Ukraine in an attempt to achieve air supremacy or air superiority, this would not maximize the RuAF's deterrent potential against NATO forces. There is a huge misconception here, you cannot compare what the RuAF potentially has the ability to do in Ukraine with the ability that the RuAF has to do in NATO airspace or even defending itself in Ukrainian airspace against NATO forces if for some reason to intervene in favor of Zelensky, this is an entirely wrong argument. Just re-read the previous two paragraphs and this will certainly make sense, because even if the RuAF were able to successfully carry out the SEAD and completely eliminate the Ukrainian Air Force if it used all its accumulated air power, the RuAF would still be inferior to the air apparatus. of NATO, this would in no way diminish NATO's ability to intervene or the RuAF's being unable to deny airspace, the deterrence here has no real value for restricting VKS airpower or the eventual massive deployment of VKS and the The author himself declares that if Russian air power were used massively, there would be losses, but there would be many losses, even more considering that he himself alleges the factor of poor training of Russian pilots and other deficiencies in complex air operations.
The author's argument to avoid damage to critical infrastructure is entirely correct. I will jump.
Following:
"Another theory is that Russian commanders are less willing to risk suffering heavy losses to their expensive and prestigious fast jets, and so have held back the VKS due to low risk tolerance. This also does not make sense. Russian ground forces have lost hundreds of modern tanks, armored personnel carriers, short- and medium-range air-defence systems and thousands of troops including a disproportionate number of elite paratroopers (VDV) and special forces in a week."
That also doesn't make any sense. The article was posted on March 4th, still in the second week of the war, it was still unlikely that he had the knowledge we have today, but that argument made no sense at the time he posted it. Russia when it was losing some combat helicopters by MANPADS began to employ at night, and not restricted to helicopters, but also fixed-wing aircraft. Between the first week of the war and the second week of the war, the Russians were losing many logistical and support vehicles, we saw a reorientation of the use of air power towards the CAS, from Su-25s to helicopters escorting the convoys. Russian Assault Forces were ordered to not have CAS because of the MANPADS threat, he even posted this at the beginning of his article text as a fait accompli because it was a fait accompli. If the Russians had prioritized assault forces applying CAS they would have lost even more aircraft than they lost, an aircraft is much more valuable than armored vehicles, tanks and logistic vehicles, the replacement cost is totally disproportionate for aircraft than for ground vehicles . Using air power for CAS in an attempt to relieve the assault forces that were in Ukraine could result in the downing of many aircraft, and this could change something tactically, but strategically the Russians would still continue to lose ground vehicles and if the aircraft were shot down, the scenario would be even worse for the Russians who would have to rely only on mobile air defense resources.