I think the author tries very hard to spin the positive development of China-Japan relation. I don't think it will be negative for PLA. What do you think?
By Russell Leigh Moses
The surprise news out of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit on Friday that China and Japan had decided to move closer to dialogue on disputed islands in the East China Sea is a sign that diplomacy may not be dead in the region after all.
Nearly everyone involved is likely to be cheered by the development, with one notable exception: the People’s Liberation Army.
China’s military is arguably the biggest beneficiary of the territorial tensions that have hovered over the East and South China Seas these past two years, with China’s navy and air force acting as the vanguard in confrontations with Japanese and other powers. Media coverage of their exploits (in Chinese) has provided the PLA with ample justification for added budgetary outlays and an argument that it should be an indispensable in policy discussions about the region
If this diplomatic initiative gains traction, the Chinese military stands to lose influence — at the very time when it is under heavy attack for not preventing corruption in its senior ranks.
On Thursday, Xi Jinping announced that the PLA’s auditing office would be taken out of the hands of the PLA General Logistics Department and placed directly under the management of the Central Military Commission, which is headed by Xi. That move came a week after Xi addressed a major meeting of commission where he reminded commanders (in Chinese) that the Communist Party retained “absolute leadership” over China’s armed forces and that the military needed to do far more to “punish corruption and develop greater discipline.”
When Xi first came to power, many believed he would leverage close connections inside the PLA to make the military a base of political power, particularly after it became clear that he intended to launch an anti-corruption crusade. With many in the party likely to be upset at the campaign, the theory went, he would need the military’s backing to bolster his authority. The pay-off for the military would be increased influence in Beijing.
Except that’s not at all what happened. Indeed, Xi’s anti-graft drive has hit the military hard, taking out Gen. Xu Caihou, a former vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, as well as Gu Junshan, a former deputy head of logistics.
State media have also taken jabs at the military, condemning endemic graft in its ranks (in Chinese) and noting how the allegations of corruption had undermined its national image (in Chinese). Even the leading military newspaper PLA Daily conceded (in Chinese) that “there’s an unhealthy atmosphere in military circles making it easier for corrupt elements to persist.”
In battling the attacks on its reputation, the PLA has been able to draw courage from the country’s territorial disputes, particularly those with Japan over the Diaoyu Islands. As long as the specter of conflict existed, military leaders could be reasonably confident, not only that would they continue to have a voice in Beijing, but that they would be spared the worst of Xi’s anti-corruption wrath.
Their situation now appears to be less certain.
Xi’s renewed effort to halt corruption in China’s military shows that he’s unafraid of running the political risk of pushing the armed forces back from the policy-making table. Combined with the potential for even a limited détente between Beijing and Tokyo over the East China Sea, some Chinese commanders might be wondering if they’re suddenly in danger of being shoved out of the room.