That is exactly the criticism of Hugh White which you are reinforcing and that is a decision to go with Japan is an either or choice. On the contrary, cogent arguments can be made that such a pathway does not necessarily result in such a skewed outcome for Australia. There will obviously be ebb and flow in relationships in any decision but that has always been the case at least in modern geopolitical relationships.
Okay, I think I get what you mean now -- are you saying that if Australia made a decision to go with Japan for the submarines does not equate to an either/rather choice in siding with Japan and cutting ties off with China in the event of a Japan-China conflict?
If that is the case, then I would agree with you, because it may well be that Australia could manage to still get Japan to complete the work on the submarines without fully committing to Japan and cutting off China in event of a Japan-China conflict (or whatever degree of calibration Australia wants).
.... However, on the other hand, I do think it is logical to say that going with a European submarine option has a lower risk of influencing Australia's submarine development plans if Japan and China come to conflict in the near future -- compared to if Australia chose the Japanese submarine option.
So if I had to re phrase the concluding part of my last post, I think the point of Mr White's overall article can also sensibly be phrased in a way which removes the "either/rather" choice:
Japanese sub choice: presents a higher likelihood of Australia potentially having to degrade its relationship with China and increasing Australia's relationship with Japan, if Japan and China come into conflict (compared to the European sub choice). If Australia does not degrade its relationship with China and support Japan, there is a greater risk (compared to the European sub choice) that it may hinder its submarine programme.
European sub choice: results in a greater ability for Australia to choose to maintain or degrade its relationship with China, and to control its degree of cooperation with Japan, if Japan and China come into conflict (compared with the Japanese sub choice). In this case, whatever calibrations or decisions Australia makes with its relationship with both China and Japan, there is a far lower risk that its submarine programme will be affected, compared to the Japanese sub choice.
Reading Mr White's article again, I think it would be a mistake to claim that he is saying that Australia "must" make an either/or choice with regards to at potential Japan-China conflict if Australia bought Japanese submarines (and I regrettably made that mistake in my last post as well) --- but rather I think he is saying that a European submarine choice means Australia does not have to consider a potential Japan-China conflict (and Australia's relationship to both countries in event of a conflict) to a degree as high as if it had bought Japanese submarines.
Or, putting it another way -- I think Mr White is saying that buying European submarines would present Australia with more strategic flexibility in regards to conducting its relationship with Japan as well as China in the future (especially in event of a Japan-China conflict), compared to buying Japanese submarines. Furthermore, given Japan's overtures to Australia in regards to connecting the submarine tender to a strategic relationship, considering the possibility of the two being connected I think is a realistic and prudent option to think about (as Mr White does).
edit:
I think the key phrase in his article is this: "If we don't give Japan what it expects from the deal, we won't get what we expect from it: unstinting help to make sure our submarines project succeeds. " -- and I think the key word in relation to our discussion is the word "if".
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The bottom line I see is Mr White is pointing out the stark potential differences in the affect on Australia's potential relationship with Japan and China, depending on whether Australia goes with a Japanese sub or a European sub. And I think that is a bottom line which cannot really be denied.
I also do of course acknowledge that he is only making an argument from the perspective of the submarine programme and Australia's relationship with China and Japan, and it does not seek to address whether the Japanese submarine option is more economically or technically feasible or if it meets Australia's criteria better than its European competitors.
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