PLA strike strategies in westpac HIC

Blitzo

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They will have to do a lot of construction there (like they've done in SCS) to reclaim enough land there to have such a port. They will need to help bring soil to Kiribati anyhow to help them with rising water level. Maybe they will find that is too challenging and they are only able to have a small port there for stopovers or for spy ships. I don't know, but I think they will look into having a larger port.

Do we even know if the islands in the SCS are capable of hosting a CSG? Are the waters even deep enough for a carrier?


I think if they are already doing 3 months rotation to Gulf of Aden with occasional visits to Djibouti, there will be no problem doing 4 months rotations at Kiribati. I think the value of going for 10 days in the middle of Pacific Ocean and then staying 4 months there and training in the middle of nowhere will provide them many lessons they can't learn from 1 to 2 month deployment in West Pacific or to Indian Ocean.

I showed you the math. Each of the 8 CSGs taking a 4 month deployment to Kiribati over a 32 months cycle and then a standard 6 months off for maintenance and then low readiness period and remaining 22 month in medium to high readiness. That works out to be 5 or 6 CSGs available at any given time for surge.

The Gulf of Aden deployments involve 2 surface combatants and 1 replenishment ship.
They have 33 and counting 054/A frigates and 34 gas turbine powered destroyers (052s, 052Bs, 052Cs, 052Ds) to choose from -- that's some 67 surface combatants. They can absolutely do 3 month rotations of two ships each when they have 67 to work from -- that's a ratio of 33.5 (and growing) to 1.

I'm perfectly happy with the PLA doing a routine permanent CSG deployment to the central pacific for 4 months duration, if they have 33 CSGs (and growing) in service.

US carriers typically in the past operated on 32 month cycles where they deploy for 6 months 19% of the time, able to surge within 30 days 46% of the time, within 30-90 days 11% of the time, and in depot maintenance 24% of the time.
For the PLA, I want a carrier to be able to surge within 10 days 75% of the time -- i.e.: to be able to surge 75% of the available carriers within 10 days.

A 4 month deployment to Kiribati as part of that cycle would significantly cripple the ability to surge in that way.



US will have no shot to compete with China's land based strike capabilities unless China really messes things up. The amount of land available for US bases to build ground based launchers is quite fixed.

On top of that, US missiles cost way too much to be built in same quantity as China. I've listened to numerous people up top that have said the same thing. That's why they are looking into mass drone attacks and ACE as solutions rather than missile attacks.

Different militaries have different advantages. America is not going to try to out compete China in missiles. It will stick with areas that it's stronger in.

If the assumption is that the US land based strike capabilities will be outclassed by China's land based strike capabilities, then I suppose there's nothing more to say, apart from I disagree.

I think the US has demonstrated a significant capability to develop and build advanced munitions and they possess a significant advantage in being able to forward position those in a long term manner at close distances to China in a sustainable and mutually supporting manner alongside sustainable and mutually supporting ISR.
It would be a strategic oversight to believe that anything short of massive superiority and overmatch in quality and quantity is an acceptable minimum capability to deal with that threat.
In that kind of geostrategic environment, slight superiority is inferiority, and parity is defeat.



The likelihood of Chin's land based assets out powering US westpac military bases is far greater than that of PLAN carrier groups outpowering USN carrier groups. Aside from PLAN advantages in surface fleet and ASuW technology, USN currently has significant advantages in carrier air operation and nuclear submarines that China will likely narrow but not completely. As such, the closer PLAN carrier group operates to land based assets and littoral assets, the better they will do.

Fundamentally, you believe PLAN CSG will need to be stronger than USN CSG in open water. I think they need to stick closer to land base and get help from land based missiles and aerial assets to win.

I believe that PLA strategy in a western pacific conflict would require them to be able to robustly defeat all US land based and surface naval forces up to and including the second island chain.
While many US assets (land and naval) within the first island chain can be targeted with relative ease by land based strike systems and PLA CSGs operating in/around the first island chain can enjoy substantial land based cover, I believe that to be able to robustly take the fight to the second island chain distances, the PLA must be able to operate and fight at those sort of distances (i.e.: 2500-3000km away from China's coast).

That would include both long range land based strike systems supporting CSGs, but at those sort of distances the density of PLA land based strike and ISR systems will drop precipitously compared to strike and ISR systems intended for the first island chain distance.


Cont next.
 

Blitzo

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Cont from above


If USN is willing to dedicate 20% of their active destroyers (let's say 50 in high readiness) and 25% of their active SSNs in defense of HI, then PLA would not be able to overcome it with the 1 CSG + 1 Type 076 SAG that I mentioned.

In which case, they may want to just leave a few 052Ds around there with H-6s, some drones and ground based launchers and blast everythings off as war starts. If they loose that, not end of the world.


I was under the impression that you thought USN would just leave a couple of destroyers at Pearl Harbour, which would actually give the fleet I described enough of an advantage to overpower that small surface fleet and air defense/runway at Pearl Harbor before aerial based assets can get involved.

Completely disagree. The endurance of ISR drones will continue to improve in the next 15 years. China will likely have a true long endurance drone that can hang in the air for 30 to 40 hours at a time.

I'm aware of the endurance that future UAVs will have.
That doesn't change my calculations, because PLA UAVs will be too busy monitoring the waters and airspace around Kiribati and the CSG itself and monitoring the waters searching for US SAGs to be able to do intensive and continuous ISR on Hawaii.

The US OTOH, will have a chain of continuous ISR of PLA CSGs deploying from the mainland all the way to centpac, because the first and second island chains during peacetime and periods of tension will be populated by many US ISR assets and surface vessels that will provide continuous tracking and overwatch of PLA CSGs as they make their way across into centpac, and have handovers every time to ensure continuous track is never lost.




You and I have a fundamental disagreement about strength of USN nuclear subs vs PLAN nuclear subs. My strategy is fundamentally stationing carrier groups closer to land where they can be backed up missiles launchers, air cover, diesel subs, undersea network of sonar/glider and whatever else they can come up with that don't get lost in Pacific ocean. Your strategy is fundamentally about having more CSGs to push USN CSGs further out. I don't think having another CSG in Westpac will change things as much as just operating a couple of hundred kms closer to mainland.

I believe the PLA needs at minimum, 6 CSGs operational in westpac to be able to fight the kind of war that the US is likely to try to impose on China, to have a chance of achieving an outcome in the FPO is not complete disastrous.

Initially, the US will position their carriers outside the first island chain, while using land based strike systems and air bases in the first island chain to conduct as extensive strikes against PLA positions and naval forces in the first island chain as possible to exact as much damage to the PLA as possible before they get destroyed by the PLA.

Then, the US will use CSGs and SSNs in the middle between the first and second island chains, and operate bombers from Guam (and bombers from Hawaii, with air refuelling from Guam), all of which together will launch standoff distance strikes at least 1500km away, against Chinese land based targets and Chinese naval forces operating in the first island chain. In other words, a long range missile siege, to gradually wear away PLA defenses and naval forces and land based air bases. Over time, the US will reinforce that westpac presence with CSGs redeployed from Europe and more aircraft redeployed from CONTUS and the rest of the world, to further intensify their siege or even to carry out a decisive coup de grace after a sufficiently long siege.

The PLA either has the choice of hoping that the US runs out of missiles and resolve before the PLA gradually loses its ability to wage war -- or the PLA carries out an action to destroy US forces operating in the second island chain, of which the linchpin is Guam (as a large airbase and naval base which will enjoy extensive air and missile defense fortifications), and their CSGs.
In the modern era, where static defense without offensive action/counter attack potential is death, this is really no choice at all --- the PLA needs the ability to fight a comprehensive, high intensity and robust conflict at distances up to the second island chain. Land based long range strike systems like hypersonics, IRBMs and stealth bombers are all fine and good, but the density of fires is just not great enough.

To be able to defeat Guam defended by 4-5 USN CSGs operating in the same region, will require the PLA to have a large scale oceanic maneuver force of at minimum equal capability and quantity, supported by at minimum equal long range land based fires and ISR.
However, even such a battle must not be a pyrrhic victory, because the US still has 6 CSGs in the rest of the world that they'll be spooling up to send to westpac in a few months afterwards, meaning the PLA must be able to achieve a thoroughly beneficial exchange rate.

Or to put it in a more shorthand way, I believe the PLA needs a warfighting capability where they can fight a high intensity conflict in the First Phase of Operations (FPO) up to the second island chain against the US forces which will include up to 5 US CSGs, in a manner where the outcome is:
Post-FPO PLA total CSG count > Post-FPO US total CSG count
The greater the disparity in favour of the PLA, the better.
If the PLA ends the FPO with 6 CSGs in total versus the US having 5 CSGs in total, then sure, good.
If the PLA ends the FPO with 8 CSGs in total versus the US having 4 CSGs in total, better.
So on and so forth.

The above disparity will depend on:
- How many CSGs the PLA has prior to conflict, and how many CSGs the US has prior to conflict
- How many CSGs the PLA loses and how many CSGs the US loses in the FPO (which is also dependent on how many CSGs they have operational in westpac during the FPO)

Hypothetically, lets say if the PLA has 16 CSGs prior to conflict and the US has 11 CSGs prior to conflict.
During FPO, lets say the PLA can surge 12 CSGs and the US can surge 5 CSGs to westpac. In that scenario, ideally the PLA are able to destroy all 5 CSGs while losing a minimal number of its own 12 CSGs, because those 12 CSGs will be operating alongside each other in a mutually supporting manner and thus much more survivable and defensible.
Thus, at the end of the FPO, in terms of total CSG count, the PLA will still have 15 CSGs in total, while the US will have 6 CSGs in total.

That sort of outcome (along with the PLA being able to wipe out US forces in the western pacific, up to and including Guam and denying those islands to the US, or even using those as resupply bases for PLA naval ships and aircraft), would be the sort of Post-FPO outcome that would allow the PLA to pursue a robust offensive strategy into the central pacific, and certainly capable enough to easily sweep aside any potential US counter attack.

That is the sort of strategy I think the PLA should be aiming to achieve.
 

Mohsin77

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@tphuang

I have a theoretical question.

Say you had 30 carriers, and 2 options:

1) Dedicate 20% to attacking Pearl at the outset
2) Dedicate 100% to destroying the enemy fleet and Westpack infrastructure first

Which option would you choose?

I think you really want to choose option #1. However, if you destroy the enemy forces and infrastructure in Westpac first, then you can just walk up to Pearl and pound it to dust anyway. So why would you ever choose option #1?

Also, remember, if you destroy the enemy fleet and infrastructure in Westpac, they won't be able to rebuild their offensive capability for decades (if that even.) This isn't 1939. Gone are the days where the US could build wooden deck carriers in a few months and push them out to sea. Also gone are the days where Carriers were highly survivable assets.

The fundamental point of disagreement here is a theoretical one, regarding operational priorities. That's why I brought up the point about primary and secondary objectives. I can't see a justification for Pearl being a primary target in a 21st century peer war, regardless of how many carriers you have.
 
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tphuang

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Do we even know if the islands in the SCS are capable of hosting a CSG? Are the waters even deep enough for a carrier?
I'm not saying SCS is capable of hosting a CSG. I'm saying the level of work they will need to do for a Kiribati base will be immense like what they did with SCS. Both places are also facing rising sea level issues, but that won't stop China.

US carriers typically in the past operated on 32 month cycles where they deploy for 6 months 19% of the time, able to surge within 30 days 46% of the time, within 30-90 days 11% of the time, and in depot maintenance 24% of the time.
For the PLA, I want a carrier to be able to surge within 10 days 75% of the time -- i.e.: to be able to surge 75% of the available carriers within 10 days.
So, if we reduce 6 months at sea to 4 months deployment where half of the time is in the port itself, then you don't need 24% maintenance time and the 30 to 90 day surge is probably also not really needed. So, you get 4 months in "deployment", 6 months in maintenance and remaining 22 month in 0 to 30 days. Maybe 20 months fro 0 to 30 days and 2 months in 30 to 90 days. During wartime, I'm sure you can push the envelop a little bit so that you can surge within 30 days for 2/3 of time. Given that USN would have to travel further to get to westpac, I think 30 days surge time is plenty. I think you can get 5 carriers out of 8 being available in this scenario.
I'm aware of the endurance that future UAVs will have.
That doesn't change my calculations, because PLA UAVs will be too busy monitoring the waters and airspace around Kiribati and the CSG itself and monitoring the waters searching for US SAGs to be able to do intensive and continuous ISR on Hawaii.
satellite + UAV. If they can already track carrier movement right now with satellite technology they do have, I don't see why tracking SAGs leaving port and cueing up UAVs will be out of their reach in 15 years.
The US OTOH, will have a chain of continuous ISR of PLA CSGs deploying from the mainland all the way to centpac, because the first and second island chains during peacetime and periods of tension will be populated by many US ISR assets and surface vessels that will provide continuous tracking and overwatch of PLA CSGs as they make their way across into centpac, and have handovers every time to ensure continuous track is never lost.
USN will have plenty of ISR to monitor PLA and PLA will have plenty of ISR to monitor USN. USN having more overall assets will not change the sufficiency of China's monitoring capabilities.

I believe the PLA needs at minimum, 6 CSGs operational in westpac to be able to fight the kind of war that the US is likely to try to impose on China, to have a chance of achieving an outcome in the FPO is not complete disastrous.
It seems like I consider PLA's land bases to be a huge asset and you consider it to be a target rich liability. I don't consider having 1 CSG in westpac all that meaningful. I think the bulk of PLA advantage will lie in the ground launched missiles of land attack and anti-ship missiles variety and the number of fixed wing aircraft it can operate from mainland. In CSG, the only advantage they have is in surface combatant AShM. They will be at a disadvantage in nuclear subs and carrier operations. The gap in these 2 areas are so large right now, that I don't think PLAN can negate that in 15 years. As such, I consider an open water scenario between 6 PLAN CSG and 5 USN CSG will be a big problem. For PLA to win, it has to rely on its missiles to completely destroy US military bases all the way to Guam. And I've heard enough from US military to think that they will not even try to out long range missile China. They prefer to use mass drone attacks. So, it's up to PLA to invest in anti-drone systems and mass drone attacks of their own.

the one major advantage China has right now is hypersonic missiles. I think it's far more likely they keep + expand on this advantage vs making up their deficits in nuclear subs and carrier operation.

China has done 280 hypersonic tests and America has done 10 or 11. It's clear that China is well ahead here and capable of building a lot more of them and at a much lower cost than America.

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The targets that China is “worried about, that we present” are well addressed with hypersonic weapons, Kendall said during a Jan. 19 virtual Center for a New American Security event. These tend to be major air bases in the Pacific and naval formations. But “I think we have to be careful about not mirror-imaging the potential threats,” he said.

There was a “rush” during the Trump administration to develop hypersonics, Kendall noted, but they may not always be the most “cost-effective … tool” for the Air Force.

“We don’t have the same targets that [China is] worried about,” he said. “We have to think about what’s most cost-effective for us … [Hypersonic systems are] very expensive compared to conventional weapons. So we’ve got to look at that very carefully and decide where we need to be in that tradeoff. I don’t think enough work has been done on that.”

Kendall didn’t elaborate on the targets most compelling for USAF or whether they are best addressed by slower, stealthy cruise missiles, air-breathing hypersonic cruise missiles that would be cheaper than the boost-glide variety, or direct-attack weapons.
 

ZeEa5KPul

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Hypothetically, lets say if the PLA has 16 CSGs prior to conflict and the US has 11 CSGs prior to conflict.
During FPO, lets say the PLA can surge 12 CSGs and the US can surge 5 CSGs to westpac. In that scenario, ideally the PLA are able to destroy all 5 CSGs while losing a minimal number of its own 12 CSGs, because those 12 CSGs will be operating alongside each other in a mutually supporting manner and thus much more survivable and defensible.
Thus, at the end of the FPO, in terms of total CSG count, the PLA will still have 15 CSGs in total, while the US will have 6 CSGs in total.

That sort of outcome (along with the PLA being able to wipe out US forces in the western pacific, up to and including Guam and denying those islands to the US, or even using those as resupply bases for PLA naval ships and aircraft), would be the sort of Post-FPO outcome that would allow the PLA to pursue a robust offensive strategy into the central pacific, and certainly capable enough to easily sweep aside any potential US counter attack.

That is the sort of strategy I think the PLA should be aiming to achieve.
Now that's the good stuff. A strategy along those lines where the PLA sets up a grinder that chews up US forces in the 1st/2nd island chains before expanding the scope of operations not just into the central Pacific, but into the territories of US allies as well with the intention of forcibly aligning them to China has been my thinking for some time.

Beyond China's 1.4% problem, I see two lynchpins to the success of this strategy beyond just fielding the requisite numbers of carriers: H-20 bombers (and H-6s for nearer targets in Japan) will be essential in making sure facilities destroyed by the PLARF spam in the earliest phase of the conflict stay shut down, as well as picking off high-value targets that escaped the initial bombardment. The second is the Type 09-V; China really needs a competitive nuclear submarine to screen its CSGs and hunt USN subs, otherwise the PLAN will have to deal with constant harassment and possible catastrophe if one of those subs gets off a lucky shot.
 

Blitzo

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I'm not saying SCS is capable of hosting a CSG. I'm saying the level of work they will need to do for a Kiribati base will be immense like what they did with SCS. Both places are also facing rising sea level issues, but that won't stop China.


So, if we reduce 6 months at sea to 4 months deployment where half of the time is in the port itself, then you don't need 24% maintenance time and the 30 to 90 day surge is probably also not really needed. So, you get 4 months in "deployment", 6 months in maintenance and remaining 22 month in 0 to 30 days. Maybe 20 months fro 0 to 30 days and 2 months in 30 to 90 days. During wartime, I'm sure you can push the envelop a little bit so that you can surge within 30 days for 2/3 of time. Given that USN would have to travel further to get to westpac, I think 30 days surge time is plenty. I think you can get 5 carriers out of 8 being available in this scenario.

satellite + UAV. If they can already track carrier movement right now with satellite technology they do have, I don't see why tracking SAGs leaving port and cueing up UAVs will be out of their reach in 15 years.

USN will have plenty of ISR to monitor PLA and PLA will have plenty of ISR to monitor USN. USN having more overall assets will not change the sufficiency of China's monitoring capabilities.


It seems like I consider PLA's land bases to be a huge asset and you consider it to be a target rich liability. I don't consider having 1 CSG in westpac all that meaningful. I think the bulk of PLA advantage will lie in the ground launched missiles of land attack and anti-ship missiles variety and the number of fixed wing aircraft it can operate from mainland. In CSG, the only advantage they have is in surface combatant AShM. They will be at a disadvantage in nuclear subs and carrier operations. The gap in these 2 areas are so large right now, that I don't think PLAN can negate that in 15 years. As such, I consider an open water scenario between 6 PLAN CSG and 5 USN CSG will be a big problem. For PLA to win, it has to rely on its missiles to completely destroy US military bases all the way to Guam. And I've heard enough from US military to think that they will not even try to out long range missile China. They prefer to use mass drone attacks. So, it's up to PLA to invest in anti-drone systems and mass drone attacks of their own.

the one major advantage China has right now is hypersonic missiles. I think it's far more likely they keep + expand on this advantage vs making up their deficits in nuclear subs and carrier operation.

China has done 280 hypersonic tests and America has done 10 or 11. It's clear that China is well ahead here and capable of building a lot more of them and at a much lower cost than America.

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I think I've said everything I have to say on the matter, and I'm just repeating myself here.

To echo Mohsin's post -- even if the PLA had 30 CSGs, between having the choice to use 20% of them to attack Hawaii and leave 80% of them in westpac, versus using all 100% of them in westpac, I think using 100% of them in westpac makes more sense.

In terms of strategic priorities and risk, the ability to to robustly assure destruction of the enemy's primary combat capabilities and maneuver units in a manner that minimizes the losses of your own primary combat capabilities and maneuver units, should take priority over an attempt to conduct exploitation operations in an enemy's rear, especially if you are at a disadvantage of geostrategic positioning on a global scale.



For the PLA, having some potential overseas or global locations to build bases on, like at Kiribati, is all well and good, but it is important to ensure that calculations of their strategic utility and consequence does not cause one to have eyes bigger than their stomach, and to ensure that the cart is not put before the horse either.




Now that's the good stuff. A strategy along those lines where the PLA sets up a grinder that chews up US forces in the 1st/2nd island chains before expanding the scope of operations not just into the central Pacific, but into the territories of US allies as well with the intention of forcibly aligning them to China has been my thinking for some time.

Beyond China's 1.4% problem, I see two lynchpins to the success of this strategy beyond just fielding the requisite numbers of carriers: H-20 bombers (and H-6s for nearer targets in Japan) will be essential in making sure facilities destroyed by the PLARF spam in the earliest phase of the conflict stay shut down, as well as picking off high-value targets that escaped the initial bombardment. The second is the Type 09-V; China really needs a competitive nuclear submarine to screen its CSGs and hunt USN subs, otherwise the PLAN will have to deal with constant harassment and possible catastrophe if one of those subs gets off a lucky shot.

The overall need to have the capability to fight a high intensity conventional air-naval-missile conflict at distances up to and including the 2nd island chain, is very apparent -- the scale, depth and intensity with which the PLA are able to fight it, are all dependent on the development and procurement of weapons systems.

In terms of conventional weapons systems for the PLA with the greatest potential strategic consequences that we are expecting to emerge, I rate 09V and H-20 as the first and second in that order, assuming they are similar to how we have been projecting.
 

bustead

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Theoretically speaking, will air assaults on isolated pacific islands be beneficial for the PLA?

The (likely dumb) plan I have in mind involves a few Y-20s, perhaps 2 dozen or so J-20s for escort, 1-2 carrier air wings and support assets including tankers, AWACS and ECM aircraft. UAVs are optional. The actual flight plan goes as follows.

1. Y-20s, J-20s and other support assets take off from southern China. Carriers are stationed south-east of Taiwan.
2. Using ballistic and cruise missiles, China destroys American ISR capabilities in the first island chain. Airbases in the first island chain is also damaged and runways are cratered. This allows the aircraft to fly through the Bashi Channel without being intercepted
3. Using carrier air wings, cover the support aircraft so that fighter escorts can be safely refueled.
4. Fly towards Guam/Northern Marianas.
5. Using DF-26s and long range cruise missiles (launched by H-6s), inflict heavy damage to the Anderson Airforce Base. The goal is to stop the Americans from launching any interceptors from there.
6. Drop the paratroopers on Guam. GJ-11 drones can be used to provide CAS if needed.

If the plan works, the PLA will be able to secure Guam relatively early in the war. However, the investment into such a plan is also significant.
 

Blitzo

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Theoretically speaking, will air assaults on isolated pacific islands be beneficial for the PLA?

The (likely dumb) plan I have in mind involves a few Y-20s, perhaps 2 dozen or so J-20s for escort, 1-2 carrier air wings and support assets including tankers, AWACS and ECM aircraft. UAVs are optional. The actual flight plan goes as follows.

1. Y-20s, J-20s and other support assets take off from southern China. Carriers are stationed south-east of Taiwan.
2. Using ballistic and cruise missiles, China destroys American ISR capabilities in the first island chain. Airbases in the first island chain is also damaged and runways are cratered. This allows the aircraft to fly through the Bashi Channel without being intercepted
3. Using carrier air wings, cover the support aircraft so that fighter escorts can be safely refueled.
4. Fly towards Guam/Northern Marianas.
5. Using DF-26s and long range cruise missiles (launched by H-6s), inflict heavy damage to the Anderson Airforce Base. The goal is to stop the Americans from launching any interceptors from there.
6. Drop the paratroopers on Guam. GJ-11 drones can be used to provide CAS if needed.

If the plan works, the PLA will be able to secure Guam relatively early in the war. However, the investment into such a plan is also significant.

You cannot conduct and sustain air assaults without achieving control of the surrounding airspace and surrounding sea, which in this case means the entirety of the western pacific.

Loading up a few Y-20s with paratroopers and dropping them over Guam if you've already achieved air and sea control is the easy part and frankly a formality -- the actual contest and difficult part will be conducting the battle for air control and sea control in the region, which will be a high intensity air-naval-missile conflict in nature.

Don't underestimate how intense, difficult and bloody the conflict for air and sea control will be, and don't try to pull anything too fancy or unique if this part of the conflict is unable to be credibly achieved.
 

bustead

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Loading up a few Y-20s with paratroopers and dropping them over Guam if you've already achieved air and sea control is the easy part and frankly a formality -- the actual contest and difficult part will be conducting the battle for air control and sea control in the region, which will be a high intensity air-naval-missile conflict in nature.
I agree that controlling Guam in the long run will be very difficult. However, in my plan, I was asking for temporary aerial dominance. Maybe a few hours for the operation. Then after capturing Guam, we can force the US into sending its assets near Guam instead of committing them in South/East China Sea.

IMO, ballistic missile strikes can paralyze Guam for a few hours and ASBMs can at least deter the American carriers from getting too close. So buying a few hours of time is not impossible.
 

ACuriousPLAFan

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I agree that controlling Guam in the long run will be very difficult. However, in my plan, I was asking for temporary aerial dominance. Maybe a few hours for the operation. Then after capturing Guam, we can force the US into sending its assets near Guam instead of committing them in South/East China Sea.

IMO, ballistic missile strikes can paralyze Guam for a few hours and ASBMs can at least deter the American carriers from getting too close. So buying a few hours of time is not impossible.
The Guam portion sounds like Imperial Japanese Navy's plan for the Battle of Midway, TBH.
 
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