China's strategy in Korean peninsula

solarz

Brigadier
As Iraq and Afghanistan have shown, rebuilding a country is not just about throwing money at it.

An unstable NK can only result in two outcomes, both of which are bad for China: NK becomes a failed state, or NK gets subsumed by SK.

China does not have the ability to rebuild NK into a friendly ally. To believe so is to succumb to the hubris of the Americans.

After WW2, the US successfully created 3 vassal states in East Asia: SK, Japan, and Taiwan. All three had one thing in common: an existential threat. Japan was hated by all its neighbors, SK had NK, and Taiwan had the Mainland. In other words, the interests of those 3 states matched with the interests of the US.

Note well that the US did not dismantle the leadership in any of those 3 states. They kept the Japanese government intact, and supported both anti-communist governments in SK and Taiwan.

China does not have any good alternatives to the Kim dynasty in NK. If the Kim dynasty was toppled, NK would have no good reason to prefer China over SK and US in terms of strategic interests. It would be extremely foolish for China to push for the removal of the Kim regime.

When considering the NK issue, one needs to look beyond Western propaganda. Kim Jong Un is neither crazy nor unpredictable. On the contrary, he is extremely rational and predictable. NK relentlessly pursues nuclear weapons because that is the only realistic means of ensuring its own survival. Kim Jong Un has no interest in exchanging the sovereignty of NK for Chinese protection.

China can, and should, only engage NK in the same way it engages all other nations: through trade and diplomacy. It is important for China to build influence in NK, influence is sometimes preferable to actual control. Control means also assuming responsibility. Influence does not result in such responsibility. China is not the least bit interested in assuming responsibility for the NK state.
 

Blackstone

Brigadier
yup the whole idea that N.K hates China is quiet absurd. Why would N.K hate China when without China N.Korea would cease to exist.
That's only correct if one cherry picks a narrow part of Sino-NK-SK relations, but the whole history tells a different story. It is common knowledge that Kim Il-sung detested the CCP and regularly print nasty China stories in the DPRK press, even though he and his ruling elites needed China to prop up North Korea. Here's one of many articles on PRC-DPRK relations, together, they paint an uneasy alliance with little trust on either side.

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It doesn’t take much skill at reading tea-leaves in Chinese or English to recognize that Kim Jong-un’s
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, Li Keqiang, and Zhang Dejiang on the PRC’s National Day fell far short of what, from a Chinese perspective, it should have been. Kim’s
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were newsworthy because he was ostensibly bed-ridden, but also because they indicated a lack of respect for the Chinese Communist Party and a possible tit-for-tat
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and media coverage of North Korea’s National Day on September 9.

If the slight was intentional, it would reflect the recent context of relations between the respective Leninist Party-states, which have hardly been positive. On the heels of an open dispute over fishing rights involving North Korean hijacking and seizure of a Chinese ship (which, to my knowledge, has yet to be returned to Dalian), the DPRK news media began
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. Surely such stories are intended and timed as much to aggravate Chinese colleagues as they are to brag about North Korea’s alleged adherence to international law. Thus, amid the grumbling and much hard work on the fisheries issue by the Chinese Embassy in Pyongyang, the
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was not intended to get back in Beijing’s good graces.

But do such memes a proper overall bilateral controversy make? Not necessarily. The PRC Embassy in Pyongyang seems to finally be getting some satisfaction on issues surrounding Chinese Korean War tombs in North Korea. The
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and has been particularly active in meeting overseas Chinese in North Korea; he is anything but bunkered in. Bilateral trade is way up (67% in the past six months) between eastern Jilin province and the DPRK’s North Hamgyong Province, as reported last month in the print edition of Yanbian Chenbao (Yanbian Morning Post). And a major bilateral trade festival is slated to go down October 16-20 in Dandong. If that last event is cancelled, then perhaps we have something really big to talk about.

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Chinese Ambassador to the DPRK Liu Hongcai examines the monument to the Chinese People’s Volunteers in Pyongyang, September 30, 2014. | Image: Website of PRC Embassy in Pyongyang.

Guns, Germs, and Steele: History Wars | However, some things never change. When North Korea starts to shift its scholarly and historical narratives of northern regimes, Beijing takes note. I will never forget sitting in the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archive and being gobsmacked by the level of detail with which that bureaucracy in 1962 was analyzing one particular article in Pyongyang’s major historical journal. The article argued that Korea was not, in fact, subservient to the Yuan Dynasty in the late 1200s, and that Korea’s place in the Sinocentric tributary system was hardly eternal. In its writing, the MFA officials were in effect warning Chinese leaders that this scholarship could presage a change in North Korea’s foreign policy, resulting in more intransigence toward Beijing.

No one really needs reminding today of how potent the deep historical issues can be between both Koreas and China. President Park Geun-hye’s careful trips to Xi’an and around China, not to mention her deft dance around and into various intellectual and nationalistic minefields, were remarkable for their efforts to reframe Chinese-South Korean historical ties. When these efforts are paired with a real impetus from Beijing to the academies under its dominion to engage with South Korea in the realm of ‘soft power,’ one has to think that this is all starting to work, if gingerly.

Meanwhile, North Korea opted to lob a metaphorical grenade in the middle of the floor by raising the Koguryo issue in a rather prominent light. On the eve of China’s National Day (1 October), the evening news in Pyongyang ran a story about an academic conference on the Koguryo theme.
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part of the backdrop:

History: Monument to King Kwanggaetho of Koguryo

It has been 1,600 years since the erection of Monument to Kwanggaetho (391-412), the 24th king of Koguryo, a powerful state that existed in the East for a thousand years (B.C. 227-A.D. 668). The monument was built by King Jangsu, Kwanggaetho’s son, in 414 to hand down his feats to posterity. It is located in Kuknaesong (Jilin Province of China at present), which was the capital of Koguryo. […]

— Pyongyang, October 1 (KCNA)

Perhaps not a big deal? Consider the fact that this artifact is on Chinese sovereign territory, surrounded in glass, and, more importantly, that a related steele has recently been uncovered and is under heavy protection from any foreign documentation in the new Koguryo History Museum in Ji’an city, on the upper Yalu River.

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North Korean state television covers a Pyongyang academic symposium about Koguryo relics on Chinese territory. | Image: KCTV, September 30, 2014.

History: Always a Serious Matter | The
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was “detained by public security personnel, before being ordered to leave Jian and followed out of town.” When I traveled to see this steele with two Sino-NK colleagues this past April, not only was it impossible to take photos of; one had to leave all cameras and phones in another building entirely.

The PRC is fiercely protective of the Koguryo narrative on its own soil, such that the kingdom is not even mentioned in the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture Museum (another new edifice) and major research clusters in Beijing and across the Northeast exist to propound the view that Koguryo was really just a nomadic Chinese minority group. The North Korean officials who approved the existence of this news item, on a key date on the Chinese calendar, could not be oblivious to this reality.

The academic conference on the subject of Koguryo,
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, made the theme all the more tangible. Remco Breuker, the principal investigator of a major
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on the politics of Koguryo and the role of Manchuria in Korean historical controversies, is now in possession of a number of slides from the conference presentations, and may be doing some more writing subsequently about how and why the DPRK is interpreting that part of its pre-history.

Historical politics don’t drive relationships in Northeast Asia, but they surely have a way of reflecting and highlighting contemporary divisions. The salient example here is how the North Korean media and museum sector, obviously working in coordination, have stepped up
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as the abduction report has waned from ‘pending’ to ‘perhaps not forthcoming at all.’ North Korea’s unilateral highlighting of the Koguryo issue thus serves a similar purpose: It indicates to Chinese interlocutors the intractability of North Korea’s stances on multiple issues, and the readiness, to use a Chinese
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for where things stand, to go ‘deeper into the ditch’ of Chinese-North Korean relations if need be.
 

solarz

Brigadier
That's only correct if one cherry picks a narrow part of Sino-NK-SK relations, but the whole history tells a different story. It is common knowledge that Kim Il-sung detested the CCP and regularly print nasty China stories in the DPRK press, even though he and his ruling elites needed China to prop up North Korea. Here's one of many articles on PRC-DPRK relations, together, they paint an uneasy alliance with little trust on either side.

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Just this one passage tells me the above linked article is not credible:

The PRC is fiercely protective of the Koguryo narrative on its own soil, such that the kingdom is not even mentioned in the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture Museum (another new edifice) and major research clusters in Beijing and across the Northeast exist to propound the view that Koguryo was really just a nomadic Chinese minority group.

No, on the contrary, Chinese historians have delved deeply into the history of Koguryo. They were neither nomadic nor a minority group. They were an empire that was located in present-day NW China and a part of present-day NK. They existed at the same time as several Korean kingdoms. They were destroyed by the Tang dynasty and its people forcibly dispersed.
 

Gloire_bb

Captain
Registered Member
More like North Korea is fearful of becoming pure Chinese client state.
They have little choice(apart from self-reliance,which is very hard for them to achieve), but they oppose it quite a lot.
In 2000s it somewhat worked out - partnership with China was at least somehow counterweighted by one with South Korea, +there were prospectives of partial return of Russian involvement.

But right now it's almost exclusively China.
 

Blackstone

Brigadier
Cut out the BS. Let me walk you through your logic.

You wrote :

Care to elaborate for us to understand since it goes against conventional wisdom?
You should have stated it that way in the first place, but instead you resorted to ad hominid. Next time try and act like a civilized human being for better communication. See post 183 above for reasoning; you could agree or disagree, that's your God-given right.
 

broadsword

Brigadier
You should have stated it that way in the first place, but instead you resorted to ad hominid.

What was my ad hominim attack?

Next time try and act like a civilized human being for better communication.

Is the following statement of yours civilized?
Try to make sense, and if you don't know how, go back to school and learn.


..
See post 183 above for reasoning; you could agree or disagree, that's your God-given right.

That report does not give you the God-given right to say NK hates China as much as or more than Japan
 

dingyibvs

Senior Member
North Korea does not want to be China's puppet state, which is why they're not satisfied with China's offer of protection and is instead insisting on developing nukes themselves. Once they obtain nukes and the ability to deliver them, they'll chart a more independent course, and all other actors in the region will adjust their stance toward NK accordingly.

As such, NK developing nukes is not a welcoming development from China's perspective, and in fact should be stopped at great cost if necessary.

Now, I agree that influence is preferred over control, which is why I believe that if war erupts over the peninsula, China should remove the NK leadership and its military, station troops in NK, but hand administrative control over the SK. Leave the mess to the South Koreans to handle, shirk the responsibility and build influence via assistance in rebuild instead.
 
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