Yemen Crisis/Conflict & the "Decisive Storm" Coalition

SouthernSky

Junior Member
Tens of thousands of Yemenis rallied in the center of the capital on Saturday to show support for the Houthi-led bloc as the head of the group's new governing council vowed to form a full government in the coming days.

In apparent response to the Houthi show of force, ambassadors from the G18 group of nations that has backed U.N. peace talks to end Yemen's civil war issued a statement condemning "unconstitutional and unilateral actions in Sanaa."

"The Group of Ambassadors repeats its concern that actions taken by elements of the General People's Congress and the Houthis as well as their supporters are making the search for a peaceful solution more difficult," the envoys added in a statement posted on the U.S. embassy's Facebook page.

As Houthi demonstrators packed Sanaa's Sabeen Square waving Yemeni flags and chanting slogans, chairman Saleh al-Samad outlined the council's plans for running the war-ravaged country following the breakdown of the peace talks earlier this month.

"Economic affairs will be the priority of our work in the coming period," he said.

In another speech broadcast on Houthi-run television, Samad ordered the Houthi delegation at peace negotiations in Muscat not to speak with the U.N. envoy leading the talks, saying they should first return to Sanaa for consultations with the council.

"The hand of peace is still outstretched," he added.

SAUDI-LED AIR STRIKES INTENSIFY

Saturday's declaration formalized a vow earlier this month by the Houthis and their allies in the General People's Congress, the party of former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, to establish a body to govern the capital and other parts of the country under their control.

The demonstration -- one of the biggest in Yemen since the civil war broke out last year -- took place as the Saudi-led coalition backing exiled President Abd-Rabbou Mansour Hadi stepped up air strikes and fighting on the ground intensified.

As the rally was underway, three air strikes targeted the presidential compound located 600 meters away from the square without causing casualties, residents told Reuters.

Further north, rockets launched over the border from Yemen killed one person and injured five others in the southern Saudi city of Najran, Saudi state television reported. Houthi-run Al-Masirah television said the rockets had targeted a Saudi air force base.

Fighting also escalated on Saturday for control of Yemen's central bank, as President Hadi made plans to relocate the institution outside Houthi-held Sanaa and appoint a new board of directors, sources in his government told Reuters.

The central bank's governor dismissed the reports of new board appointments as "groundless" in an emailed statement. A spokesman from Hadi's government could not immediately be reached for comment.

The central bank has been considered the last bastion of the impoverished country's financial system, paying salaries to state employees on both sides of the front lines and guaranteeing food imports as Yemen approaches famine.

(Reporting by Mohammed Ghobari; Writing by Katie Paul)

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so how is
"Decisive Storm"
going?
...
LOL Ex-president Saleh offers 'all Yemen's facilities' to Russia
In a TV interview today, Yemen's ex-president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, appeared to invite Russian military intervention in the country's conflict. He talked of reactivating old Yemeni agreements with the Soviet Union and offfered "all the facilities" of Yemen's bases, ports and airports to Russia.

Saleh seemed to be advocating something similar to what happened in Syria, where Russia and Iran joined the conflict on the Assad regime's side under the guise of fighting terrorism. A video of the interview is
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, with a transcript in Arabic
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.

Saleh, who was ousted from the presidency in 2012, is allied to the Houthis who currently control the Yemeni capital and large parts of the country, especially in the north. For more than a year Saudi-led forces, who back Saleh's exiled successor, Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, have been bombing Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen. Meanwhile the Houthis, who have some Iranian backing, have attacked Saudi territory in the border area.

Talks in Kuwait aimed at ending the war recently collapsed. Separately from the Houthi-Saleh-Hadi conflict there are frequent attacks in Yemen by Islamist militants.

In the Russian TV interview, Saleh described Russia as "the closest kin to us", adding that it has "a positive attitude" in the UN Security Council.

Saleh continued:

"We extend our hands to Russia. We have agreements with the Russian Federation which were with the Soviet Union. The legitimate heir to the Soviet Union is the Russian Federation, we are ready to activate these treaties and agreements that were between us and the Soviet Union.

"We agree on a principle, which is the struggle against terrorism ... We extend our hands and offer all the facililties, and the conventions and treaties ... We offer them in our bases, in our airports and in our ports – ready to provide all facilities to the Russian Federation."
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delft

Brigadier
LOL Ex-president Saleh offers 'all Yemen's facilities' to Russia
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I don't think Saleh is very relevant, but don't know enough about Yemen.
I found this information on The Guardian website:
Brian Whitaker
Brian Whitaker is a former Middle East editor of the Guardian. He is the author of several books about the region, most recently
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ehm ehm
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Last week, a bipartisan quarter of senators — Rand Paul, Chris Murphy, Al Franken, and Mike Lee — introduced a joint resolution to block the $1.15 billion sale of Abrams tanks and other major defense articles to Saudi Arabia in light of concerns about the kingdom’s actions in Yemen.

In the House, more than 60 representatives signed a letter by Rep. Ted Lieu to President Obama requesting a delay in U.S. arms sales to Riyadh. With opposition to arms sales to Saudi Arabia growing, the administration should use its leverage to encourage the Saudi government to cease its indiscriminate bombing campaign and delay future U.S. arms sales to Saudi Arabia until such change occurs.

The 18-month Saudi-led campaign in Yemen is believed to have resulted in over 3,800 civilian deaths and more than 6,700 injuries. US-manufactured weapons are being used to carry out the Saudi-led bombing campaign in Yemen, and strikes have hit civilian targets, destroying schools, markets, hospitals, and factories.

The United States is Saudi Arabia’s largest weapons supplier and it has provided logistical and intelligence support to the kingdom, along with billions of dollars in heavy conventional weapons. The Obama administration has prioritized Saudi Arabia’s special relationship with the United States and has requested a nominal $10,000 per year for International Military Education and Training (IMET) assistance so that Saudi Arabia can remain eligible for discounts on Foreign Military Sales. Since 2009 alone, the administration has authorized over $115 billion in sales of major conventional weapons to the Kingdom –including munitions, tanks, and fighter jets.

While proponents of continued sales to Saudi Arabia provide numerous justifications, many of those do not hold up. Indeed, the oft-heard refrain, “if we don’t sell, someone else will” is used repeatedly – but just because we can doesn’t mean we should. Complicity in contributing to human rights abuses and a massive humanitarian crisis is not in the U.S. interest, even if the U.S. could lose sales (itself a specious argument). If the Chinese or Russians want to sell weapons that they know will be used to kill civilians, let them. The United States holds an estimable position and a certain moral authority when it comes to the global arms trade – in both its robust (and restrictive) arms transfer control system and its attentiveness to potential risks – and should not negate its core principles when confronted with potential competition.

Congress rarely offers such a public critique of potential U.S. arms transfers, particularly to a close ally. The last time Congress successfully stopped an arms sale to Saudi Arabia was in the early 1990s, when fallout from the Gulf War led lawmakers to oppose a $20 billion arms package to the kingdom (the sale was eventually broken into smaller pieces; the transfer of some systems was postponed indefinitely).

The administration already has the tools it needs to encourage the Saudis to act. The use of U.S. weapons in Yemen runs counter to the laws and regulations that underpin U.S. arms transfers – such as the Arms Export Control Act and Foreign Assistance Act, Presidential Policy Directive 27, and its obligations as a signatory to the Arms Trade Treaty.

Congressional opposition shines a bright light on Riyadh’s conduct and increases pressure on the Obama administration not to accept “business-as-usual” for U.S. arms sales. The public display of disapproval takes important steps toward condemning and shaming the Saudi government’s behavior and encouraging a change to the air campaign.

Moreover, if given the choice, governments want to purchase U.S. weapons and systems, as they are better and more effective systems. It’s also possible that munitions manufactured by other countries may not work in U.S. systems – as they were not designed for interoperability. Saudi forces have historically relied upon U.S. systems and are not trained on systems from other countries.

Concerns that delayed U.S. weapons may impede Saudi Arabia’s ability to defend itself also fall short. The United States has sold billions of dollars in weapons to the Kingdom and has a long record of working with the Saudis to ensure security for the Kingdom and the region. That friendship and cooperation should not justify continued U.S. complicity in prosecuting a war that is harming civilians indiscriminately.

As President Obama and his advisors consider their legacy, it is time to stand up to those that violate human rights with impunity. Without a concerted and public effort to delay future sales, the United States effectively legitimizes the Saudi government’s actions. Ultimately, the administration will need to make a political decision to utilize its leverage to influence Saudi behavior and better adhere to its own values and principles.
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ehm ehm
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now Report Triggers UK Spat Over Weapons Sales to Saudi Arabia
The British government’s support for defense equipment exports to Saudi Arabia in the face of rising concerns over their use against rebels in neighboring Yemen has come under renewed scrutiny, but only after what should have been a single parliamentary committee report became two as members fell out over what line to take on the issue.

The four separate parliamentary committees that make up the Committees on Arms Export Control were due to publish a report into British arms exports to Saudi Arabia, but a failure to reach a consensus saw the International Development and Business committees publish a joint report, the Foreign Affairs Committee released its own findings, and the Defence Committee opting out altogether.

The bizarre split occurred after a draft report was leaked last week calling for a ban on exports even though that was not supported by all sides.

The joint report by the International Development and Business committees called for the government to cease exports of all weapons to Saudi Arabia that could be used in the conflict with rebel forces in Yemen while a yet-to-be set up independent international investigation reports on claims that civilian targets such as hospitals and schools were bombed in violation of humanitarian law.

“The arms export licensing system has not worked in the case of Yemen. The UK must suspend licenses for arms exports to Saudi Arabia pending the results of an independent, United Nations-led inquiry into reports of violations of international humanitarian law (IHL). In addition, the Government should investigate whether any licences so far issued have led to the transfer of weapons which have breached the rules,” the joint committee said in a statement.

Stephen Twigg, the chairman of the International Development Committee, said it was “hard to understand how a reliable licence assessment process would not have concluded that there is a clear risk of misuse of at least some arms exports to Saudi Arabia.”

The second report, this one by the Foreign Affairs Committee, said that an upcoming judicial review granted to the Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) was the “most appropriate” place to judge whether the UK had broken the law in allowing the exports.

The three-day review has to be heard no later than February 2017.

Finally, Defence Committee Chair Julian Lewis weighed in, saying his committee would not be “considering, endorsing or publishing the leaked report."

"If the work of the Committees on Arms Export Controls is to be successful, it must proceed on the basis on consensus. This did not happen in the case of this inquiry, where a report was drafted without the customary process of circulating themes, conclusions and recommendations in advance. Instead, a draft report was produced which was then leaked. The leaking of that draft report and the subsequent media controversy about the committees’ deliberations fatally undermined any possibility of the four committees coming to an agreed position," Lewis said.

Parliamentary committees have no power to force the government to act, but the publication of the two reports adds fuel to increasing concerns over the use of British-made weapons in the Saudi-led coalition's bloody, 20-month campaign against rebels who ousted the Yemeni government.

The British government has been under increasing pressure to block defense sales to its biggest export customer in the wake of the alleged use of British weapons against civilian targets by the Saudis in its war with the rebels.

As recently as Sept. 6, British Prime Minister Theresa May sidestepped calls to halt weapons sales, telling members of Parliament that Saudi cooperation in countering terrorism was what helped keep people on the streets of Britain safe.

But the report by the Foreign Affairs Committee warned that British interest in continued UK-Saudi relations cannot override the UK’s wider obligations.

"Saudi Arabia is a key partner of the UK in addressing our shared challenges in the Middle East. I am yet to hear any persuasive argument for how we better secure our many strategic objectives in the region without a strong relationship with Saudi Arabia. This includes bringing about a political solution to the current conflict in Yemen,” said Crispin Blunt, the Foreign Affairs Committee chair.

“However, the massive British interest in continued UK-Saudi relations cannot override our wider legal and moral obligations. It is crucial that the UK does everything in its power to ensure full compliance with IHL by the Saudi-led coalition,” he said.

“We have called for an independent UN-led investigation into allegations of violations of IHL to supplement the internal investigations of the Saudi-led coalition. We have made serious criticisms of the [UK] government’s handling of the situation and the lack of transparency, which has materially damaged public trust in the arms export controls system,” Blunt said.

A suspension, or ban, on defense exports to Saudi Arabia would have a serious impact on much of Britain’s defense industry.

Sales to Saudi Arabia have dominated Britain’s successful defense export effort for years, and a British ban could have a knock-on effect in a Middle East region, which accounted for nearly 60 percent of the country’s £7.7 billion (US $10.2 billion) export effort in 2015.

A recent analysis by CAAT of British export licenses granted for Saudi sales in the 12 months starting March 2015 — the first year of the Yemen conflict — had a value of £3.7 billion and included precision-guided weapons, aircraft components, armored vehicles and other equipment.

Tornado and Typhoon strike jets, Hawk jet trainers, and Paveway IV precision-guided bombs are among some of the weapons the British supply to Riyadh.

BAE also has a major support operation in Saudi Arabia and is negotiating a sale of a second batch of Typhoons in a deal that could also involve the local, final assembly of the jet.
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if you thought it was just the Western-made very smart bombs: "Ali Osman said he could not comment when asked if Burkans had been dropped by the Sudanese Sukhoi Su-24s that have been deployed to Saudi Arabia to participate in the military intervention in Yemen."
AAD 2016: Sudan's SAFAT says Burkan smart bomb is operational
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ehm ehm
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didn't happen,
the "Decisive Storm"
will go on, I guess:
US Senate Rejects Bar on $1.15B Arms Sale to Riyadh
The US Senate scuttled a measure to block the $1.15 billion sale of US tanks to Saudi Arabia, though a Hill fight is looming over another measure the kingdom dislikes.

The rare joint resolution to disapprove of the sale was tabled on Wednesday, 71 to 27, but the vote signals concerns from lawmakers over Saudi Arabia’s Yemen campaign and suspicions over the US ally's role in sponsoring hard-line Islam. Sens. Rand Paul, R-Ky., and Chris Murphy, D-Conn., afterward cast the vote as successfully sending a message to the Riyadh and the Obama administration that there is growing displeasure in Congress over the war’s civilian casualties.

“The very fact that we are voting on it today sends a very important message to the kingdom of Saudi Arabia, that we are watching your actions closely, and that the United States is not going to turn a blind eye to the indiscriminate killing of men, women, and children,” said co-sponsor Sen. Al Franken, D-Minn.

The sponsors invoked the 1976 Arms Export Control Act to force the floor vote, and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., led the Republican drive to table it.

The US has been providing logistics and intelligence aid in the Saudis’ 18-month campaign in Yemen against Houthi rebels, said to be allied with Iran. The conflict has claimed 3,700 civilians, according to United Nations data, and the vote came a month after a Saudi airstrike that killed 10 children.

The Pentagon on Aug. 9 posted the pending sale of 153 M1A1/A2 tanks, including 20 replacements for vehicles damaged in battle, and other armored vehicles, night vision equipment, weapons and ammunition.

On the Senate floor Wednesday, opponents of the arms sale made a series of arguments: that US aid in the campaign skirts Congress’s duty to declare war, that it makes the US culpable for civilian casualties and that it creates an opening in Yemen for local al-Qaida affiliates to thrive. They also criticized Saudi Arabia’s export of Wahhabism as a building block for terror.

“If we really want to cut off extremism at its source, then we can't keep closing our eyes to the money that flows out of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states into this conservative Salafist missionary movement around the world,” Murphy said.

Paul, in a floor speech, described Saudi Arabia as a “frenemy,” with a checkered human rights record. “I don't believe that Saudi Arabia is a ally that we can trust,” he said.

A powerful group of Republicans countered in a series of floor speeches that blocking the sale would weaken an alliance shaken by the US nuclear deal with Iran and upset the regional balance of power. McConnell was joined by Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn, R-Texas; Senate Armed Services Chairman John McCain, R-Ariz.; Senate Foreign Relations Chairman Bob Corker, R-Tenn., and Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., the chair of the Senate appropriations subcommittee that oversees the foreign affairs budget.

Some of those lawmakers acknowledged their own discomfort with the kingdom. Graham said Saudi Arabia has “real” internal problems and “double-dealing in the past of helping terrorist organizations.” Yet it deserves aid because it has shared life-saving intelligence and, he said, because it is a hedge on Iran and “all-in against” the Islamic State.

“The bad guys and our allies in the Arab world are imperfect, but they are still our allies,” Graham said. “[The resolution’s passage would] send a signal to the radical regime in Tehran that we're going to roll back supporting our allies, and do nothing about [it's] provocative behavior, which would be a mistake for the ages.”

There has been a growing call within the US for a reassessment of relations amid the kingdom’s Yemen campaign and the diplomatic fallout from it’s January 2016 execution of a Shia cleric and dozens of al-Qaida members, according to an April Congressional Research Service report.

Still Saudi Arabia remains a key strategic ally in the region and has been offered $115 billion in weapons since President Obama took office, according to a Center for International Policy report. Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Raytheon and General Dynamics are the biggest beneficiaries of these deals.

Corker, on the Senate floor Wednesday, argued the kingdom maintains the Mideast power balance and is “willing to buy US-made equipment that helps [sustain] the infrastructure necessary for us over time to protect our country,” Corker said.

The defense industry took a direct hit from Paul, who said, “I don't think of national security as a jobs program.”

“I don't think of whether we create jobs here at home, I think about the young man who lives down the road from me who lost both legs and an arm, OK,” he said. "I think about the human toll of war."

“If we make weapons and we have a weapons industry, that's good for our country—when we make them for ourselves,” Paul said. “But when we're selling weapons around the world, by golly, we shouldn't sell weapons to people who are not putting them to good purpose.”

Last month, Rep. Ted Lieu, D-Calif., led a bipartisan group of 64 lawmakers in a letter urging Obama to postpone the sale, citing concerns over Saudi-led coalition’s killing of civilians. It was the latest in a series of letters from Leiu, who introduced a House bill Tuesday with Rep. Mick Mulvaney, R-S.C., to parallel the Senate resolution.

On Wednesday, a showdown loomed between Congress and President Obama over legislation that would enable the families of the victims of the 9/11 attacks to use the US courts to seek compensation from states whose nationals are involved in the attacks. The bill is called the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act (JASTA).

Last week, Saudi officials said JASTA violates principals of international law and the principle of sovereign equality established under the United Nations charter.

The White House has warned that it would veto the legislation, though lawmakers of both parties support the bill and were rallying to muster an veto override. Obama has until Friday to wield the veto.

On the Senate floor Wednesday, Paul noted the apparent irony.

“This body voted unanimously to let the 9/11 victims sue [Saudi Arabia], and now this body wants to give them weapons?” Paul said.

Cornyn, one of the chief proponents of JASTA and opponents of blocking the arms deal, argued the two positions are not in conflict.

“It is very much in the United States interest that Iran not continue to dominate the Middle East,” Cornyn said. “When our interests are aligned with countries like Saudi Arabia, we will stand with them, and we hope they would stand with us. When they diverge, we're going to take a little different approach."
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delft

Brigadier
From an article by Christina Lin who worked several years in the Pentagon:
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As a result, this unconditional support has empowered Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and ISIS, to the detriment of US national security.

Jamestown Foundation’s Michael Horton, a security expert close to US SOCOM (Special Operations Command) and advisor to US and UK governments, slammed the Saudi intervention and their Iran-Houthis narrative.
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He stated the Houthis were “successful in rolling back AQ [Al Qaeda] and now IS [the Islamic State] from a number of Yemeni governorates” that US drone strikes had failed to accomplish.

“We had a great opportunity to engage with the Houthis on this, but we gave in to the Saudis…and frankly they cannot begin to manage this,” Horton said. “Well, guess what? Now we’re Al-Qaeda’s air force in Yemen.”
 
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