The downsizing of the overseas has cost more money than expected because of a reliance on expensive rotational forces when forward-based units can perform the same roles more cheaply, according to a new U.S. Army War College report.
An examination of the costs of troop rotations during the past several years in Europe and South Korea undermines a decade-old Defense Department argument that shuttling units back and forth from the United States is a more efficient way of doing business than basing them overseas, said report author John R. Deni, a War College professor.
There also is evidence that the long rotations are taking a toll on troop morale, with units to Europe and South Korea showing lower re-enlistment rates than their counterparts, the report found.
Deni, whose findings were the subject of a panel discussion Wednesday at the Atlantic Council in Washington, said the Army should base one additional armored brigade in Europe and one in South Korea along with aviation assets and enablers.
"We've got some actual hard data now," he said. "There seems to be universal agreement that the rotational modal has cost us more than it would to forward station an [armored brigade combat team]."
Basing brigades in Europe and South Korea would be cheaper over time, serve as a stronger demonstration of commitment to allies in the respective regions and address morale concerns, said the report titled "Rotational Deployments vs. Forward Stationing."
For armored brigades, it costs about $135 million more annually to maintain a continuous presence of soldiers on rotation from the United States to Europe, according to the study, which compared the costs of sending a , Texas-based brigade to Europe versus stationing one in Germany.
The report, to be released in July, makes an argument that runs counter to conventional wisdom regarding the costs of force structure overseas.
In Europe, the persistence of a large post-Cold War military presence has long been a matter of political debate. Some studies make the case that frequent permanent changes of station, higher housing costs and running schools for military dependents make overseas units more expensive.
Deni argues what has been overlooked is the costs of moving an armored brigade and its equipment back and forth on missions. A higher operational tempo while on rotation also adds on costs along with incentive and pre- training that are not incurred by a unit stationed overseas.
A U.S.-based armored brigade rotating to Europe costs about $1.19 billion compared with $1.05 billion to position that brigade in Germany, the report stated.
Relocating an armored brigade to Europe would come with a steep initial investment. As U.S. Army Europe's footprint on the Continent has shrunk, so has space to house a heavy brigade. The German towns of Baumholder and Granfenwoehr are the cheapest candidates for a base, costing less than $300 million in start-up costs that include new construction. The initial investment would be paid off in less than three years because of cheaper operations costs, the report stated.
Moving a brigade to Poland would cost about $600 million upfront, an option Deni favors as the United States seeks to bolster its presence in a region nervous about a more aggressive Russia. Given Warsaw's stated desire for a permanent U.S. troop presence, Poland could be more inclined to shoulder more of the fiscal burden than Germany, the report stated.
"Basing at least some of this in Poland would have a stronger impact on assurance and deterrence," Deni said.
Already, U.S. Army Europe has begun scouting potential locations for the possibility that the Pentagon will decide to return more forces to Europe. However, Poland is not among the destinations being considered by U.S. Army Europe, which has cited a NATO agreement with Russia that limits large numbers of permanent forces in old Warsaw Pact states as a reason.
In South Korea, Camp would be the destination for a stationed brigade, where normalized accompanied tours also would reduce personnel turnover, the report stated.
During the administration of former President George W. Bush, the Pentagon made a case for a military force that was more U.S.-based. In Europe, it envisioned a bare-bones presence, with a reliance on rotational troops to carry out missions at training grounds in Romania and elsewhere.
Those plans resulted in the shuttering of waves of units or returning them back to the United States, including Army brigades. In 2012, former President Barack Obama continued with those efforts, ordering the return of two of four remaining Army brigades in Europe.
"It was really the Defense Department of Donald Rumsfeld that issued a dramatic quickening of that (post-Cold War) drawdown," which continued through the Obama administration, Deni said.
Today, about 91 percent of the Army is stationed in the United States compared to about 78 percent a few years ago. That move coincided with calls from lawmakers in Congress who frequently argued the cuts didn't go far enough and more troops should come home.
Russia's 2014 intervention in Ukraine altered perceptions in Washington, and calls from Capitol Hill to bring troops home effectively ended. And rotations to Europe began to surge, as did costs.
Beyond costs, Deni argues long rotations in Europe and South Korea -- the duration of a combat tour, which lasts roughly nine months, and without the prestige of getting a combat patch at the end of it -- could be damaging to morale.
If a larger Army presence can't be established in Poland or Germany, the military should consider reducing the scale of its year-round rotations.
In the 12 months following four separate unit rotations between 2014 and 2016, monthly re-enlistment rates were lower in three out of four instances compared with the monthly re-enlistment rates for all Army brigade combat teams, the report stated.
There isn't enough data yet to make a direct correlation, but it appears soldiers are "dissatisfied" with the rotations, Deni said.
"We've gotten out of balance and we need to adjust that," he said.
House lawmakers authorize $103M for A-10 wings to save 3 squadrons from retiring
The House Armed Services Committee has taken its first steps toward preserving three A-10 Warthog squadrons that, without funding for new wings, could begin retiring as early as the mid-2020s.
The HASC chairman’s mark of the fiscal year 2018 National Defense Authorization Act, , adds $103 million for an A-10 “unfunded requirement.” In its FY18 unfunded priorities list, the U.S. Air Force included an equivalent amount of cash, which if appropriated would be used to restart production of A-10 wings and manufacture four wing sets.
now though US House panel adopts language to end 2001 war authorizationI now actually opened
H.R. 2810 — FY18 NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATON BILL
and ... quickly closed it
"The HASC will mark up this bill on Wednesday in an open session that typically lasts well past midnight."
so let's wait and see:
HASC Would Add 5 Ships, $3 Billion in Aircraft Procurement to Navy’s 2018 Plans
source is DefenseNews ...In a surprise move, the House Appropriations Committee approved bill language to end the 2001 authorization of the use of military force and any operations conducted under it.
As the panel deliberated 2018 defense spending legislation on Thursday, members voted by voice to adopt an amendment to sunset the AUMF eight months after Congress passes the spending bill. The committee later voted to send the bill to the House floor.
The language is not law, and it faces a number of political and procedural hurdles, but it was a rare move forward on the issue, as no member of Congress wants to own a war. Republicans have been reluctant to check the commander in chief's war-making ability; Democrats have been reluctant to expand it.
The House Foreign Affairs Committee said the AUMF amendment "should have been ruled out of order" because the appropriations panel does not have jurisdiction.
“House Rules state that ‘a provision changing existing law may not be reported in a general appropriation bill.’ The Foreign Affairs Committee has sole jurisdiction over Authorizations for the Use of Military Force,” said Foreign Affairs Committee Deputy Staff Director for Communications Cory Fritz.
California Democratic Rep. Barbara Lee, who spearheaded the amendment, argued the 2001 AUMF had become “a blank check to wage war at any time on anyone by any president.” She offered a laundry list of countries where the AUMF had been used to justify U.S. military operations.
Known for pressing this issue for years, Lee gained new traction on Thursday, arguing that with a new president sending new troops to Afghanistan and against the Islamic State, now is the time for a debate. There were audible gasps, then applause, when the amendment passed.
"The last two presidents have bombed the Middle East and Africa, and President Trump is following down a similar path," Lee said. "The administration has authorized and launched airstrikes against Syria, sent more troops to fight ISIS and now wants to send thousands more troops to fight in Afghanistan."
House Defense Appropriations Committee Chairwoman Kay Granger, R-Texas, argued the amendment would cripple the ability of troops in ongoing and future operations against al-Qaida and its affiliates around the globe.
But several Republicans who likely disagreed with Lee on the scope of any new AUMF stood in support of her amendment. They argued American troops fighting overseas deserve a debate in Congress and its support.
Two of the Republicans were veterans: Reps. Scott Taylor, a former Navy SEAL from Virginia, and Chris Stewart of Utah, a former Air Force pilot.
The influential chairman of the Appropriations Subcommittee on Labor, Health and Human Services, Rep. Tom Cole, R-Okla., backed Lee, arguing Congress must reassert its war-making authority under the Constitution. Congressional leaders of both parties have avoided taking responsibility for years, he said.
"We are at war against an enemy that did not exist in a place that we did not expect to fight," Cole said. "How an AUMF can be stretched 16 years, certainly before I was in Congress, is beyond me."
After the vote, Lee said in an interview the vote was "a major step in the right direction." She acknowledged the veterans' role in the vote.
"I have to salute them for having the courage to stand up and say what they said," Lee said. "Who better than veterans or service men and women to speak about the dangers and the role they have now. We have to make sure we do right by them and exercise our constitutional responsibilities."
... andTuesday at 6:01 AM
now though US House panel adopts language to end 2001 war authorization
source is DefenseNews ...
The House Defense Appropriations Subcommittee approved $658.1 billion in 2018 defense spending on Thursday.
The measure, headed to the House floor, includes $584.2 billion in base funding and $73.9 billion in budget cap-exempt wartime funding. The committee’s overall funding level, as proposed, would be $68.1 billion above the current fiscal year.
The bill a surprise amendment that would repeal the 2001 authorization of the use of military force that’s been used to cover wars in Afghanistan and Iraq — and the more recent war against the Islamic State. The language received almost immediate pushback, and it's not immediately clear what impact it will have on the host funding bill.
The House appropriations bill busts statutory budget caps set at $549 billion under the Budget Control Act. Pro-defense lawmakers are banking on a larger deal to ease or repeal those caps.
The measure was one of several fiscal 2018 defense proposals to emerge from Capitol Hill, all of which exceed budget caps.
House Appropriations Committee Chairman Rodney Frelinghuysen said the legislation reflects military leaders’ requests for more weapons and troops.
“It’s time to rebuild our military and focus on keeping our nation safe," he said. "This bill will provide troops and the commanders with the resources they need to do their jobs and provide stability around the world.”
The House Defense Appropriations Subcommittee’s top Democrat, Rep. Pete Visclosky of Indiana, said he was not confident the bill would be enacted by the start of the fiscal year, Sept. 30, because it exceeds BCA caps for defense by $70 billion and falls under the caps for nondefense by $5 billion.
Visclosky, pointing to the bipartisan, bicameral compromise budget deals that reach rough parity between defense and nondefense, said the House budget resolution under debate — which funds the nondefense side of the budget at $511 billion — would be a recipe for “shutdown brinksmanship, possible increase to the BCA caps and then maybe an omnibus.”
“That is the very outcome the secretary of defense and the people of this committee don’t want to happen,” Visclosky said. “We need a consensus to enable us to break free of thus cycle of uncertainty.”
First Flight III Arleigh Burke DDG to be Built by HII’s Ingalls Shipyard
Ingalls Shipbuilding, a division of Huntington Ingalls Industries (HII), has been selected to build the first Flight III version of the Navy’s Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer (DDG). The Flight III DDG will be the first to feature the new SPY-6 Air and Missile Defense Radar designed by Raytheon Integrated Defense Systems.
The ship, Jack Lucas (DDG 125), will be the 75th Arleigh Burke-class DDG built, and the 35th built by Ingalls Shipbuilding. Ingalls has built 29 ships of the class and has four more under construction. The ship is the fifth of five DDGs ordered in a 2013 multiyear procurement contract, according to a June 27 HII release.
source:Against terrorists in , , and , US forces are firing smart weapons like Hellfire missiles as fast as industry can build them — or faster. Against a like or , we might run out. That’s why the military is making a major multi-year investment in precision weapons, one that the Army’s chief logistician estimates at $45 billion for his service alone.
“We’re growing our ammunition supplies — and I would tell you this is the one area that keeps me up at night,” said , the Army’s deputy chief of staff for (G-4), speaking to an Association of the US Army conference here. “If were to give us all the dollars (to fix it) today, it would be about $45 billion.”
“I don’t think that’s possible,” Piggee continued, “and we couldn’t spend it today if they were to give it to us,” because US munitions factories can’t build that much that fast. Instead, he said, the Army, industry, and the joint force have a five-year plan to ramp up spending and production at realistic rates. Work is already underway, he added: “We see this improving every month and getting a little bit better.”
“Precision guided munitions is probably the biggest issue we have,” said , logistics direction (J-4) on the Joint Staff, adding the is taking a personal interest. “(But) I’m optimistic, because the Army, the Air Force, the Navy, the Marines, they’re putting a lot of money into munitions.”
“We’re looking at the industrial base, getting all the contracts in place, maxing out the production rates, trying to replenish what we’ve expended,” Brown told me after his public remarks. “The services have all stepped up the plate. Over the next five-six years they’re going to have to concentrate on munitions.”
That doesn’t mean we’re sitting ducks today, Brown emphasized. “Have no doubt in your minds that we retain the ability to fight tonight,” he told the conference. Or, as he put it to me later: “My message would be we maintain the ability to put unlimited firepower on any problem….I don’t believe any country can sustain their forces longer and better than we can ours.”
Piggee sounded somewhat more cautious: “We have enough for what we need today, but we’re working to ensure that we have enough to sustain two contingency operations near-simultaneously, and I will tell we are not where we need to be,” he told the conference.
“We are meeting CENTCOM’s requirement” for the current fight, albeit with some difficulty Piggee told me after his remarks. “(But) we are concerned about , not just the CENTCOM fight,” he continued. “We think we don’t have sufficient for future potential contingencies… with Russia (or) in the Pacific.”
Different wars would require different types and quantities of weapons. For the current fight in Central Command, Piggee said, the need to avoid collateral damage in urban areas puts particularly heavy stress on stockpiles of two key munitions:
“We’re using more of those assets now than we did during the surge,” Piggee said. “We try to keep up with CENTCOM. It’s a challenge, (because) they are using more munitions now than they ever did at the height of the surge in the 2008-2009 timeframe…In CENTCOM, we are frankly in some cases exceeding our industrial base (capacity) to maintain.”
- Hellfire missiles, built by . Built as a Cold War anti-tank weapon for AH-64 Apache helicopters, they’re now most famously used by Predator and drones for precision strikes;
- Guided Multiple Launch Rocket System (GMLRS) rounds, also built by . These are a form of precision-guided artillery fired from HIMARS trucks and tracked MLRS vehicles.
And that’s fighting a terrorist group, admittedly an unusually savvy and well-armed one that briefly established its own quasi-state. Against a nation-state with a regular army and a lot of artillery — like Russia, China, or even North Korea — the demand would be even higher. For a major war, said Piggee, the Army would need not only more Hellfires and GMLRS, but also additional supplies of
Running out of ammunition has been an American commander’s nightmare since the Battle of Bunker Hill in 1775. Smart weapons were supposed to solve that problem by replacing a whole barrage of inaccurate munitions with a single precise shot. But even with the , it turns out .
- ATACMS (Army Tactical Missile Systems), by . Like GMLRS, ATACMS can be fired from HIMARS and MLRS vehicles, but it has significantly greater range, as well as an in development for the Pacific;
- Patriot missiles (). Famed for its shoot-downs of Saddam’s Scuds, Patriot is that can shoot down incoming enemy aircraft, cruise missiles, and ballistic missiles. , , and all boast large inventories of non-nuclear missiles.
- THAAD missiles (). Terminal High-Altitude Air Defense is an air and missile defense weapon like the Patriot, but with .