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now though US House panel adopts language to end 2001 war authorization
source is DefenseNews
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...
anyway
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Despite reported differences, the
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and Senate Armed Services Committees propose almost identical toplines for national security spending. In an apples to apples comparison, after correcting for discrepancies in what the two committees count, HASC’s total is $704 billion, SASC’s is $708. That’s a difference of just 0.6 percent, presenting a
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against
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and the
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, which proposed $668 billion.

These figures include not only the Defense Department’s base budget but also Overseas Contingency Operations, mandatory spending, and spending at non-DoD agencies like the Energy Department. The committees confused the issue by counting differently. SASC’s official topline of $700 billion includes almost $8 billion of national security spending that’s in the jurisdiction of other committees, chiefly Intelligence, Homeland Security, and Foreign Relations; HASC’s $695.9 billion does not. HASC, for its part, counts $7.5 billion of mandatory spending; SASC cannot count an equivalent sum, because they’re still waiting an official CBO score — but it’s a safe assumption (which we made) that the figure will be nearly the same.

The same apples-to-apples problem applies even to Defense Department spending. HASC says they’re authorizing $593 billion for the DoD base budget, plus $65 billion in war funds called Overseas Contingency Operations, plus $10 billion in “OCO for base” — i.e. base budget activities funded under OCO as a legislative sleight of hand — for a total of $668 billion. SASC says they’re authorizing $611 billion for the base and $60 billion for OCO, totaling $671 billion. The Senate isn’t trying the OCO-for-base trick: To the contrary, they moved $5 billion to shore up NATO allies against Russia, the European Deterrence Initiative, from the OCO fund for the base budget. If the committees had used funding categories consistently — if you were to move the Senate’s deterrence money back to OCO and the House’s OCO-for-base into the base — then the Overseas Contingency Operations figures would be identical and the base budgets only $3 billion apart (HASC $603, SASC $606).

Overall, while the Senate side has not published their full bill, only a summary, the information we have so far suggests that SASC chairman John McCain and his HASC counterpart Mac Thornberry are closely aligned. On policy, the highest profile difference is probably the House plan for a
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, split off as an independent service from the Air Force. On personnel, the Senate would add 7,000 troops across the services, while the House would add almost 20,000, an expensive difference as well as a steep challenge for recruiters.

On procurement, the two committees have many significant but hardly earth-shaking differences. The Senate wants a few more
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— McCain is a former fighter pilot — while the House has more
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— McCain dislikes LCS, like many old-school Navy officers. But then they coincide exactly on details like how many P-8A Poseidon naval reconnaissance planes to add to the administration request (six) and how many Ship-to-Shore Connector hovercraft to add (five).

So he fireworks this year won’t be between the House and Senate authorizers. They’ll be between the authorizers and everyone else on
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— which means, to start with, killing the Budget Control Act.
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Block 5 MQ-9 debuts in combat
The latest version of the MQ-9 Reaper, the Block 5 variant, flew its first successful combat mission June 23, 2017, in support of Operation Inherent Resolve.

The aircrew flew a sortie of more than 16 hours with a full payload of weapons including GBU-38 Joint Direct Attack Munitions and AGM-114 Hellfire missiles. During the mission, the crew employed one GBU-38 and two Hellfires while providing hours of armed reconnaissance for supported ground forces.
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Sikorsky gets multi-year contract for Black Hawk production

Sikorsky has agreed to a new multi-year contract with the US Department of Defense, which will lead to it delivering up to 360 UH-60 Black Hawk utility helicopters to the US Army and overseas customers by 2022.

The contract value for the five-year deal is expected to be around $3.8 billion for 257 of the rotorcraft, with options on another 103 examples to increase this to around $5.2 billion.

"The multi-year contract will yield significant savings for the US government," says Sikorsky parent company Lockheed Martin.

The ninth production deal of its kind for Black Hawk-series helicopters, it covers UH-60M transports and medical evacuation-configured HH-60Ms for the US customer and Foreign Military Sales buyers, it adds.

"Deliveries are scheduled to begin in October of this year and continue through 2022," Lockheed says.

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" ... former MDA director Lt. Gen. Trey Obering ... supported the development of MDA’s Multi-Object Kill Vehicle, which would allow single interceptors to take out multiple warheads."

former director going for
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sure

North Korea’s ICBM Test Renews Calls For Space-Based Kill Layer
Jul 5, 2017
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North Korea’s test of a two-stage intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) on July 4 has been met by renewed calls in Washington for a space-based missile defense layer.

The rocket launch, which coincided with Independence Day celebrations in the U.S., is believed to be Pyongyang’s first military-grade ICBM. The reclusive nation already possessed long-range rocket technology for space launch.

In a July 5 statement, Riki Ellison, chairman and founder of the Missile Defense Advocacy Alliance (MDAA), said the U.S. missile shield must be extended to space “in a big way with both sensors and shooters,” with satellites providing precision observation, tracking, and discrimination of missile threats as well as intercept.

Ellison says space is the ultimate high ground and a space-based missile defense complex would augment and strengthen terrestrial assets, since sensors and radar sites on land and at sea are fundamentally limited by the curvature of the Earth.

Ellison says North Korea now possesses a “proven and tested” weapon capable of striking the U.S., with some analysts predicting it could hit Alaska.

The next step on Pyongyang’s path toward a truly nuclear-capable ICBM is to develop and demonstrate reliable warheads capable of re-entering the Earth’s atmosphere.

MDAA says it is “prudent” to assume North Korea can achieve this technical feat, especially since it defied predictions by launching this ICBM. “North Korea clearly has the mechanisms to deliver nuclear warheads to the U.S. and will continue to expedite their development and proliferate with mass numbers,” Ellison says.

The U.S.
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confirmed North Korea’s launch of an ICBM, describing the move as “escalatory.” In response, U.S. and South Korean forces conducted a joint show of force, firing multiple MGM-140 Army Tactical Missile System (ATacMS) rockets into the ocean “to show our precision fire capability.”

The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) described the “Hwaseong-14” test as a “brilliant success” and the final gateway to the completion of its national nuclear-armed forces. The launch comes 10 months after Pyongyang’s fifth successful underground nuclear test since 2006.

KCNA claims the missile achieved a peak altitude of 1,741 mi. (2,802 km), range of 580 mi. (933 km) and total flight time of 39 min. It was launched from what appears to be a Chinese road-mobile ICBM launcher.

Russia and China called for all sides to show restraint amid escalating tension. The White House may be feeling pressure to act, with U.S. President Donald Trump previously saying Pyongyang’s launch of a nuclear-capable ICBM would “never happen.”

The test will likely boost congressional support for more spending on missile defense.

Trump requested $7.9 billion to fund the Missile Defense Agency (MDA) in fiscal 2018, and the Senate and House armed services committees have moved to increase that amount.

On June 27, former MDA director Lt. Gen. Trey Obering called for significant investment in new missile defense capabilities to achieve “birth-to-death tracking and discrimination” of missile threats and intercept opportunities at every phase of flight.

This would include a space-based observation and “kill layer.” He says space vehicles could be armed with exoatmospheric kill vehicles and potentially directed energy weapons to destroy missiles without violating treaties against the deployment of weapons of mass destruction in space. He supported the development of MDA’s Multi-Object Kill Vehicle, which would allow single interceptors to take out multiple warheads.

Obering also wants a boost-phase kill capability, which would be laser weapons carried aboard high-altitude stratospheric UAVs.

“Today, we launch multiple multimillion-dollar interceptors against a single threat missile,” Obering, now executive vice president of Booz Allen Hamilton, said at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “It’s now possible to have a lethal laser in the next 10 years, capable of conducting boost-phase intercept missions from a high-altitude airborne platform.”
 
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