US Financial Crisis/Bailout, China's Role

AssassinsMace

Lieutenant General
China Central Bank Attacks Paulson’s ‘Gangster Logic’ (Update1)


By Li Yanping

Jan. 16 (Bloomberg) -- A Chinese central bank official attacked reported comments by U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson that China’s high savings rate helped trigger the global credit crisis.

“This view is extremely ridiculous and irresponsible and it’s ‘gangster logic,’” Zhang Jianhua, the bank’s research head, said. His comments were in an interview with the state-run Xinhua News Agency, posted on a government Web site today.

Commentaries by China’s state media this month had already accused Paulson and Federal Reserve Chairman Ben S. Bernanke of playing a “blame game” over the cause of the crisis.

Friction between the two nations includes a U.S. complaint to the World Trade Organization last month that China uses prohibited subsidies to boost exports. The U.S. also regards China’s currency, the yuan, as undervalued and a factor in global trade imbalances.

Massive savings accumulations in countries such as China helped to trigger the crisis by squeezing interest rates and pushing investors toward riskier assets, the Financial Times reported Jan. 2, quoting Paulson.

Zhang countered that U.S. policies that aggravated imbalances in that nation’s economy, which was excessively dependent on consumer spending, were a key cause. He also cited failures in corporate governance and risk management at investment banks.

‘Finding an Excuse’

“The ‘China-responsible theory’ is an attempt by major western economies to find an excuse for their own policy and regulatory failures,” Zhang said in the transcript. “I’m afraid these countries are also finding an excuse to issue trade protection measures or impose pressure on China in the future.”

Zhang also criticized the International Monetary Fund for paying too much attention to financial risks in emerging and developing economies and not enough to those of developed countries, “which have a larger impact, especially economies issuing major reserve currencies.”

The organization also didn’t respond quickly enough to the crisis, he said.

China’s trade surplus is partly caused by developed nations’ restrictions on technology exports, Zhang said. Last year’s surplus was a record $295.5 billion.

To contact the reporter on this story: Li Yanping in Beijing at [email protected]

Last Updated: January 16, 2009 06:27 EST

Nice to see China finally learning how to play ball. Good retorts on blaming China. Especially the part about the US restricting what China can buy. Watch out next for the contradiction of hoping China buys more US debt for their stimulus packages while complaining China owns the US because of it.
 

pla101prc

Senior Member
it shows how alarmed the US has become of the possibility of losing its dollar hegemony. i dont see how saving can be the "irresponsible actions" when it is america's spending habit that caused the whole problem
 

RedMercury

Junior Member
Albania's pyramids

Not directly related, but a very enlightening and amusing article nonetheless.

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The Rise and Fall of Albania's Pyramid Schemes
Christopher Jarvis

During 1996-97, Albania was convulsed by the dramatic rise and collapse of several huge financial pyramid schemes. This article discusses the crisis and the steps other countries can take to prevent similar disasters.
In September, Populli began offering more than 30 percent a month. In November, Xhafferi offered to treble depositors' money in three months; Sude responded with an offer to double principal in two months. By November, the face value of the schemes' liabilities totaled $1.2 billion. Albanians sold their houses to invest in the schemes; farmers sold their livestock. The mood is vividly captured by a resident who said that, in the fall of 1996, Tirana smelled and sounded like a slaughterhouse, as farmers drove their animals to market to invest the proceeds in the pyramid schemes.
Rest at the link.
 

crobato

Colonel
VIP Professional
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Jim Rogers on Banking Bailout: 'Horrible Economics'
by: William Patalon III January 04, 2009
William Patalon III


Ask investing icon Jim Rogers about the $700 billion U.S. banking bailout, and he’ll tell you that it’s nothing but “horrible economics.” And with good reason: Most of the major U.S. banks are already bankrupt.

“Without giving specific names, most of the significant American banks, the larger banks, are bankrupt, totally bankrupt,” Rogers said in a recent teleconference at the Reuters Investment Outlook 2009 Summit. “What is outrageous economically and is outrageous morally is that normally in times like this, people who are competent and who saw it coming and who kept their powder dry go and take over the assets from the incompetent. What’s happening this time is that the government is taking the assets from the competent people and giving them to the incompetent people and saying, now you can compete with the competent people. It is horrible economics.”

A long-time China bull, Rogers first made a name for himself with The Quantum Fund, a hedge fund that’s often described as the first real global investment fund, which he and partner George Soros founded in 1970. Over the next decade, Quantum gained 4,200%, while the Standard & Poor’s 500 Index climbed about 50%.

It was after Rogers “retired” in 1980 that the investing masses first really got to see him in action. Rogers traveled the world (several times), and penned such bestsellers as “Investment Biker” and the recently released “A Bull in China.” He also made some historic market calls: Rogers predicted China’s meteoric growth a good decade before it became apparent to everyone else, and he subsequently foretold of the powerful updraft in global commodities prices that’s fueled a year-long bull market in the agriculture, energy and mining sectors.

Rogers’ candor has made him a popular figure with individual investors, meaning his pronouncements are always closely watched. Twice last year Rogers granted exclusive interviews to Money Morning Investment Director Keith Fitz-Gerald. In one of the interviews - carried each time as a two-part series in Money Morning - Rogers correctly predicted that the U.S. financial crisis was destined to get much worse before any improvement was visible.

Goldman Sachs analysts last week estimated that banks worldwide have incurred $850 billion of credit-related losses and write-downs since the global credit crisis began last year.

But Rogers said sound U.S. lenders remain. He said these could include banks that don’t make or hold subprime mortgages, or which have high ratios of deposits to equity - “all the classic old ratios that most banks in America forgot or started ignoring because they were too old-fashioned.”

Many analysts have cited the Sept. 15 bankruptcy filing by Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. [OTC: LEHMQ] as a trigger for the soon-to-follow cratering of the U.S. stock market and accompanying worsening of the U.S. economy.

But Rogers called that idea “laughable,” noting that banks have been failing for hundreds of years. And yet, he said policymakers aren’t doing enough to prevent another Lehman.

“Governments are making mistakes,” he said. “They’re saying to all the banks, you don’t have to tell us your situation. You can continue to use your balance sheet that is phony. All these guys are bankrupt, they’re still worrying about their bonuses, they’re still trying to pay their dividends, and the whole system is weakened.”
 

Spike

Banned Idiot
It appears that the position of real power in the CCP will be people of a engineering background. Has there ever been a social science graduate or lawyer in the politburo?
The next top prospects for the leadership after Hu Jintao/Wen Jiabao are apparently Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang. Both have law backgrounds (although I believe Xi Jinping also has a degree in engineering). Other big-shots have history degrees, economics, etc.
 

Spike

Banned Idiot
From the Economist.
War of words
Jan 24th 2009 | WASHINGTON, DC
From Economist.com
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Economic tensions between America and China are rising—at exactly the wrong time

TECHNICALLY, he is not yet treasury secretary, but Tim Geithner has already made waves in financial markets. In a written response to questions from senators debating his confirmation, Mr Geithner accused China of “manipulating” its currency and promised that the Obama team would push “aggressively” for Beijing to change its policies. The sharp tone and use of the legally-loaded term “currency manipulation” ricocheted through financial markets as investors shuddered at the prospect of a Sino-American spat in the midst of a global slump.

Clearly this was not a slip of the tongue. Conceivably it was a bureaucratic snafu. The tough language came in a 102-page document answering numerous questions from senators—an odd place from which to lob a bombshell at Beijing. If so, it speaks poorly of a man who is already in trouble for failing to pay attention to his taxes. Most likely, therefore, Mr Geithner’s language suggests a change in Washington’s tactics towards China.

American policymakers have long pushed Beijing to accelerate the appreciation of the yuan, arguing that China’s exchange-rate policy played a big role in creating the global imbalances and that—both for the sake of China’s economy and the rest of the world—the currency needs to strengthen. But Hank Paulson’s Treasury studiously avoided accusing Beijing of “currency manipulation”, a term that carries legal implications.

Every six months America’s Treasury must publish a list of countries which it deems to be currency manipulators. Once a country appears on that list, formal negotiations to end the manipulation must begin. The Treasury under George Bush, particularly in recent years, preferred a softer behind-the-scenes approach and refused to brand China a manipulator. Although Mr Geithner did not commit himself to any specific action, the use of the m-word suggests Team Obama will take a tougher line.

Exactly what it means is uncertain. It is not even clear who will manage America’s economic strategy with China (there is some speculation, for instance, that Hillary Clinton wants the State Department to take the lead). But there is no doubt that Barack Obama’s economic team includes a number of people who are frustrated with the world’s failure to convince Beijing to strengthen the yuan. Mr Obama himself supported legislation in the Senate to get tougher on China. More important, his advisers see tough words now as a prophylactic—a warning that Beijing must not be tempted to prop up its staggering economy by weakening the yuan.

Domestic politics is also playing a big role. China’s bilateral trade surplus with America has long been a lightning rod in Congress, and with unemployment up the protectionist pressure is sure to rise. The $800 billion stimulus package making its way through Congress already has dubious “Buy American” measures that demand government spending should be on American goods. By sounding tough up front, the logic goes, the Obama team will be better able to diffuse the more extreme protectionist sentiment.

Unfortunately, this strategy is dangerous on a number of counts. The basic economic analysis—that a stronger yuan, on a trade-weighted basis, is necessary to rebalance China’s economy away from exports—is surely right. But the world’s immediate problem is a dramatic shortfall in demand across the globe and that will not be righted by exchange-rate shifts. Currency movements switch demand between countries; they do not create it. In the short-term, therefore, the outlook for the world economy depends on whether governments’ stimulus packages are successful and, right now, team Obama would do better to focus on the scale, nature and speed of Beijing’s stimulus measures than rant about the currency. What’s more, the evidence for currency manipulation is weakening. Although China still runs a huge current-account surplus, it is no longer accumulating foreign-exchange reserves at a rapid clip, as capital is flowing out of the country.

More important, the political calculus could easily misfire. Domestically, Mr Geithner’s comments may simply fan congressional flames for tougher action on China. Lindsey Graham, a senator who first pushed for a 27.5% tariff against China in 2005, called the comments “music to my ears”. And Sino-American economic tensions are already rising as Chinese officials hotly dispute the idea that their savings surplus had anything to do with the current global mess. (An official at China’s central bank recently called the idea “ridiculous” and an example of “gangster logic”). Traditionally, Chinese officials do not respond well to public admonition and, given the scale of China’s economic woes, they are likely to be pricklier now.

The stakes are extremely high. Everyone knows that protectionism and beggar-thy-neighbour policies exacerbated the Depression. With the global economy in its most dangerous circumstances since the 1930s, rising Sino-American tensions is the last thing anyone needs.
 

RedMercury

Junior Member
I like the first paragraph.

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Capitalism Snuffs out the Age of Enlightenment's Candle

by John Kozy


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, January 26, 2009



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Suppose Paul Krugman, or any other Nobel Prize winning economist, owned an automobile that intermittently broke down but could be made to run again by tinkering with the mechanism. Suppose the breakdowns happened unexpectedly in places that not only caused Mr. Krugman but countless others inconvenience and hardship, as for instance, on a major highway during rush hour, perhaps even causing injurious or even deadly accidents. How many times would Mr. Krugman allow this to happen before coming to the conclusion that the vehicle, regardless of how often it underwent tinkering, would never be a reliable mode of transportation and that it should be consigned to a junk yard? Only Mr. Krugman knows the answer, but I suspect that it would not take too long. Neo-classical Anglo-American economics in all of its variations, which have come about by tinkering, is just such an unreliable economic vehicle. The breakdowns are so frequent that economists have even incorporated them into the theory by referring to them as one aspect of "the business cycle;" yet Western economists display an absolute unwillingness to abandon the theory. Try doing the same thing with automobiles by calling intermittent breakdowns one aspect of the breakdown cycle. How would people react if automobile manufacturers tried to sell cars that had built in breakdown cycles? Since 1789, there has, on average, been one economic crisis every 12 years in the United States. Assuming that the average useful life of an automobile is eight years, interpolating American economic crises to automobile breakdowns comes out to one breakdown every four months. Who would buy such a vehicle?
 

bladerunner

Banned Idiot
Must see if I can track down the original essay

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Brave new connections
Jan 28th 2009
From Economist.com
Will America's “network power” trump the “Asian century”?

EVERY few years a piece of writing comes along that throws the global intelligensia into a tizzy. The rise and fall of great powers gives way to the end of history, which must make room for a clash of civilisations. Tipping points and black swans abound. These days, the grandest notion making the rounds is Asia’s unstoppable rise coupled to America’s inevitable decline.
Into the mix comes a short, deceptively simple essay by Anne-Marie Slaughter (pictured), who recently stepped down as dean of Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs to head the State Department's Office of Policy Planning.
Ms Slaughter writes that power in the 21st century depends not so much on arms or wealth but on network connections. By this she means not just internet links, but physical ones such as immigrants have with their original countries, businesses with their trading partners, aid groups with the communities they serve and the like. Here, she believes, America has an extraordinary advantage.
In this world, the state with the most connections will be the central player, able to set the global agenda and unlock innovation and sustainable growth,” she declares. “Networked power flows from the ability to make the maximum number of valuable connections.” And into the debate over the ascent of Asia and decline of the West, she asserts: “The twenty-first century looks increasingly like another American century—although it will likely be a century of the Americas rather than of just America.
The essay answers both Asia boosters and America bashers.
Ms Slaughter’s ideas are not earth-shatteringly original; indeed, she doffs her cap to no less than a dozen scholars. The essay occasionally devolves into cyberpunk manifesto and Panglossian apologia. But it is mostly very smart. Like recombinant DNA, Ms Slaughter mixes the known base-pairs into something unique and compelling. Coming from a foreign policy stalwart of the old school, it deserves attention. But is she right?
The argument, simplified, goes like this: by dint of population, geography and culture, America is best placed to lead. Its immigrants make it a hub for the world’s best ideas. Its geography helps it reach out to other regions while insulating it from global problems such as refugees, cross-border conflicts and even some of China's air pollution. Its culture of openness, as well as constructive intellectual and commercial conflict, makes it a hive for innovation. Other countries suffer a disadvantage in these areas. In a world where hierarchical power is less important and relationships paramount, Ms Slaughter writes, America’s ability to orchestrate, not dictate, will bring it success.
[B]The thesis beams an unflattering spotlight on Asia’s shortcomings. For example, many countries have sought to promote technology business by building physical infrastructure like R&D labs. But they lack the intangible qualities that allow entrepreneurship to flourish, such as an openness to new relationships and a culture of questioning authority. “The Chinese government is determined to develop innovation as if it were developing a fancy variety of soybeans,” she writes.
By contrast, America both produced and personifies the precise qualities required in the new environment. “The internet world, the wiki world, and the networked world all began in the United States and radiated outward,” she writes.
Here Ms Slaughter’s firm footing falters.
Asia’s variant of capitalism and social interactions is certainly different than the West’s, and from the outside looks problematic. Japan’s keiretsu, or “web of companies”, and consensus-based decisions make many firms insular and slow. China’s guanxi—social connections—winnows the number of potential relationships, which means some beneficial interactions may be missed. India’s messy bureaucracy seems an insufferable hindrance to everything.
Still, something must be working. Toyota, not General Motors, is now the world’s biggest carmaker, and there is not a single tech gadget that isn't stuffed with Japanese electronics components. Chinese businesses sensibly depend on a few tight relationships because that lowers transaction costs and minimises risk, especially given the lack of a reliable legal system to settle disputes. And India’s IT-service firms run the back-offices of the world’s biggest companies. Clearly there are more things in heaven and earth than are dreamt of in Ms Slaughter’s philosophy.
Connections are all-important in an environment that privileges connections. But outside that context, it is only one factor, albeit vital, among others that account for power. Ms Slaughter, meanwhile, calls on [/B]America to make five reforms: improve immigration, education, and social and economic equality. Also, focus on Latin America (though she never explains exactly why) and adopt a spirit of humility and co-operation……………………..
 
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