Apparently Trump and Ron Vara based their Trade War projections on analysis by Chinese libtards…
Actually used DeepSeek to translate the article→ Took too long to organize→ Went to grab a meal→ Already posted it here by you
ANYWAYS, here's traslate for non-chinese audience:
Author: Yamato Hasegawa
Source: Zhihu (Chinese Q&A platform)
Link:
While browsing today, I stumbled upon a report written last November (2024) by Stephen Milan, former chair of Trump's Council of Economic Advisers, analyzing the 2018 trade war and proposing follow-up strategies. After skimming through it, I was simultaneously shocked and enlightened - suddenly, Trump's recent outrageous economic maneuvers made perfect sense. Below I've attached the original document for those interested in primary sources.
Here's a simplified breakdown of the report's key arguments that explain "Trumpconomics" in action:
Preface, Summary
Stephen Milan argues that Trump successfully pressured China into making concessions (or, as implied in the report, "kowtowing") during the 2018 trade war, benefiting the U.S. Meanwhile, China's economy would be utterly unable to withstand higher tariffs, so in the future (from the perspective of 2024, i.e., now), merely brandishing the tariff stick would again force China to "kowtow" and absorb the costs for MAGA, with no meaningful retaliation from China expected.
1. Why Aren’t Trump and His Team Worried About Inflation?
Milan cites a concept called Currency Offset (p. 13). In simple terms, by imposing tariffs, the exporting country is forced to devalue its currency to maintain export volumes, while monetary policy measures are used to strengthen the domestic currency. The resulting exchange rate differential offsets the inflationary impact of tariffs, with the added benefit of federal revenue from the tariffs.
The report claims that after the 2018-19 tariffs, import prices rose by only 4.1%, and CPI increased by just 2%, below the Federal Reserve's target (p. 14).
It also states that under a 10% tariff, the impact on CPI would be a one-time increase of 0.3%-1%, not leading to sustained inflation (p. 16).
Tariffs provide revenue, and if offset by currency adjustments, present minimal inflationary or otherwise adverse side effects, consistent with the experience in 2018-2019 (p. cover).
Therefore, Trump and his team are not concerned about tariffs causing inflation—even if there is any, it would only be "temporary."
2. Why Do Trump and His Team Believe the Cost of Tariffs Will Be Borne by the Exporting Country?
Direct quote from the original text:
In a world of perfect currency offset, the effective price of imported goods doesn’t change, but since the exporter’s currency weakens, its real wealth and purchasing power decline. American consumers’ purchasing power isn’t affected, since the tariff and the currency move cancel each other out, but since the exporters’ citizens became poorer as a result of the currency move, the exporting nation “pays for” or bears the burden of the tax, while the U.S. Treasury collects the revenue (p. 16).
(In 2018-2019) Chinese consumers’ purchasing power declined with their weakening currency, China effectively paid for the tariff revenue. ... that experience should inform analysis of future trade conflicts (p.3).
Thus, Trump and his team stubbornly believe that the cost of tariffs will be borne by the exporting country (China).
3. Why Do Trump and His Team Think China Will "Kowtow" Again This Time?
Or, in other words: Why are Trump and his team so convinced that China will inevitably "call" and come to the negotiating table to strike a deal?
Direct quote from the utterly absurd original text:
magine a very large tariff on China, say a sharp increase in the effective tariff rate from roughly 20% to roughly 50%, offset by a similar move in the currency. A 30% devaluation in the renminbi would most likely lead to significant market volatility. Because China’s communist economic system necessitates strict control over the capital account to keep funds locked in domestic assets, the incentives to find ways around capital controls could be devastating for their economy (p. 18).
Capital outflows from China can potentially result in asset price collapses and severe financial stress. According to Bloomberg, total debt in the Chinese economy exceeds 350% of GDP; this level of leverage entails the possibility for massive vulnerabilities to leakages in the capital account. Bursting bubbles in China as a result of currency devaluation could cause financial market volatility significantly in excess of that caused by the tariffs themselves (pp. 18-19).
China’s economy is dependent on capital controls keeping savings invested in increasingly inefficient allocations of capital to unproductive assets like empty apartment buildings. If tit-for-tat escalation causes increasing pressure on those capital controls for money to leave China, their economy can experience far more severe volatility than the American economy. This natural advantage limits the ability of China to respond to tariff increases (p. 26).
Thus, Trump and his team are convinced that China will inevitably "kowtow" again this time, and that they will soon receive a call from Beijing—because they believe China's "fragile" economy cannot withstand even the initial 34% tariffs.
So when China announced equivalent countermeasures, Trump's first reaction was shock and disbelief, dismissing it as the "Chinese" bluffing. He immediately fell back on his old playbook of maximum pressure, boasting that "the call from China will come any moment now." But clearly, he miscalculated.
4. What Kind of Deal Do Trump and His Team Want to Reach?
In the report, Milan proposed several schemes for China to "compensate" the U.S., likely reflecting the kind of "deal" Trump hoped to extract from China. Below are some of the most representative examples for your consideration.
The U.S. Government might announce a list of demands from Chinese policy—say, opening particular markets to American companies, an end to or reparations for intellectual property theft, purchases of agricultural commodities, currency appreciation, or more (p. 22).
It is easier to imagine that after a series of punitive tariffs, trading partners like Europe and China become more receptive to some manner of currency accord in exchange for a reduction of tariffs(p. 28).
Last time, tariffs led to the Phase 1 agreement with China. Next time, maybe they will lead to a broader multilateral currency accord(p. 35).
There is another potential use of the leverage provided by tariffs: an alternative form of Mar-a-Lago Accord that sees the removal of tariffs in exchange for significant industrial investment in the United States by our trading partners, China chief among them(p. 35).
Additional Demands
The report also proposes requiring China to:
- Replace standard U.S. Treasury holdings with century bonds
- Place these under custody in U.S. Treasury-managed portfolios
In essence, these are the kind of "agreements" that would condemn any signatory to centuries of historical infamy - such blatant financial bullying thoroughly discredits all appeasement arguments.