Trade War with China

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Tam

Brigadier
Registered Member
China lowering tariffs on APTA, some to zero, making it easier to buy agricultural products there. Here is the big difference here --- America is having a trade war with its allies and neighbors, and China isn't.

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GM and Toyota warns of job cuts if Trump pushes through with tariffs. More and more companies are starting to speak out.

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Trump is said to be talking out of pulling out of WTO and has criticized NATO. Maybe he wants to pull out from NATO?

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US ambassador to Estonia has resigned, thinks he cannot do his job under this climate.

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A good piece here, that basically sums it up, as America First becomes America Alone.

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ougoah

Brigadier
Registered Member
For a long time Trump has been executing his friends along with his self-identified "foes". Time will show us whether Trump is just dressed up as the far right idiot's wet-dream incarnate, ironically the person responsible for their very downfall OR the man that "made American great again" :D:D:DThe "great" empire responsible for so much human misery and stoking hatred and misinformation throughout the world in the last century. So far it is leaning more towards the former it would seem to me. But i'm just an everyday idiot trying to make sense of the complex world so what do I know.
 
This is a interesting read and gives a new dimension on the relationship between US trade and the USD as the world's reserve currency.

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Despite Trump's populist domestic rhetoric his administration's actual policies exacerbate the domestic US wealth and opportunity gaps further by programmatically skewing the system to favor big moneyed interests at the expense of the public good and the average American. Trump's trade wars and perhaps one day real wars, and any ensuing negative consequences, will serve to confuse the causes of economic malaise for average Americans away from what has been done to disadvantage them in domestic policies.
 

Hendrik_2000

Lieutenant General
The accusation that China steal US invention is bogus and pretext to impose unilateral tariff No doubt skull drudgery going on but that apply to almost all intelligence service in this world

But China technology and science advance in the last decade are mostly due to improving funding, building up facilities and training of large number of engineer and scientist Here it is
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How China Is Trying to Invent the Future as a Science Superpower

In its quest for scientific achievement, China’s research and development spending has grown rapidly over the past two decades, making it second only to the United States

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The Five-hundred-meter Aperture Spherical radio Telescope (FAST) in Guizhou, China. Credit:
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The following essay is reprinted with permission from
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, an online publication covering the latest research.


Genetic engineering, the search for dark matter, quantum computing and communications, artificial intelligence, brain science—the list of potentially disruptive research goes on. Each has significant implications for future industries, defense technologies and ethical understandings of what it means to be human.

And, increasingly, the
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are coming not from the great centers of science in the West, but Beijing, Shanghai, Hefei, Shenzhen and a number of other Chinese cities that make up China’s extensive research system. Inevitably, the question arises: How much of the future is being invented in Chinese labs?


The current
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have brought
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into clearer focus. As China aims to achieve leadership in emerging key technologies, the U.S. is quick to attribute much of Chinese progress to the
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. But,
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, I’ve seen dramatic improvements in China’s own innovative capacity, along with the science base needed for success in the knowledge-intensive industries it seeks to master.

In its
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, China’s
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over the past two decades. It’s now second only to the United States. China has become a
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to the world’s science and engineering literatures, with Chinese papers in selected fields attracting an increasing number of citations.

Generous government science budgets have allowed China to build world-class facilities in a number of fields. And China is home to
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, now enriched by high-quality domestic university programs as well as scientists returning from abroad with advanced degrees from the world’s leading universities.

But how is the enterprise of science in China organized? Who sets the priorities? And are its mechanisms of governance suitable for sustained progress?

CHINESE SCIENCE, BY SECTOR
In contrast to the U.S., where basic research is concentrated in universities, where there are strong traditions of corporate R&D and where research in government labs supports the missions of government agencies, the institutional arrangements for science in China reflect a different design.

Though each has been extensively reformed, Chinese science today is still largely conducted in five institutional sectors. The Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS), a legacy institution from the 1950s, oversees some 120 institutes—including China’s “big science” facilities—and three institutions of higher education. Following a series of reforms over the past two decades, scientists in many of its labs now engage in world-class research across a range of disciplines, including quantum physics, mathematics and neuroscience.

Universities comprise the second institutional system, with the top schools competing with CAS for talent and prestige. University-based research was not emphasized in the pre-reform era. But over the past two decades, China’s top universities have emerged as important centers of basic and applied research, while also promoting a culture supportive of high-tech entrepreneurship.

China’s industrial enterprises constitute the third institutional sector. Two of the most significant changes over the past two decades have been the growth of company-based R&D, especially in information and communications technology fields, and the emergence of non-state-owned, market-oriented high tech firms. R&D expenditures in the enterprise sector now amounts to
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.

Government research institutes under civilian ministries—such as those for agriculture, public health, environmental protection, natural resources and so on—constitute a fourth system.

Finally, research and development in support of the military constitutes a fifth sector, one which remains largely opaque. In cooperation with civilian sectors, and guided by civil-military integration policies, it’s producing
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.

In the last few years, the Chinese government has introduced policies to
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. In particular, China has established national laboratories and other major new national research centers, inspired by the national lab experience in the U.S. and other countries.
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– cross-disciplinary and problem-focused by design—are engaged in
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. For example, the University of Science and Technology in Hefei is home to a leading facility for quantum physics and quantum information.

The government has also sponsored the establishment of major government-owned national research centers within leading Chinese companies. For instance, iFlytek, a leader in voice recognition technologies, hosts one on human-machine interactions. China National Offshore Oil Corporation hosts another on natural gas hydrates.
 

Hendrik_2000

Lieutenant General
(cont)
ENCOURAGING POLICY FROM THE TOP
In contrast to the current U.S. administration, which has yet to define a
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, China’s quest for global scientific leadership is
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who see China’s future wealth and power being derived from its research and innovation capabilities.

Chinese science policy, as a result, is characterized by a strong emphasis on national needs as defined by a top-down design process. At the national government level, funding for research has become more centralized. It’s now channeled through national programs, or “platforms,” administered by the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST). These do permit “bottom-up” investigator-initiated proposals, and efforts are being made to strengthen professional reviews and assessments of research projects. Nevertheless, the funding system is still characterized by strong state direction.

The themes of national science policy are also found in the
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, many of which have become
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of R&D and partners in building the country’s new research facilities.

The emphasis on national needs had, until recently, biased the nation’s research away from basic science. Chinese policymakers, however, have come to realize that leadership in science-based industries requires basic research conducted at international frontier levels. As a result,
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.

But, a
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in March of this year changed the status of China’s key agency for supporting basic science, the
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(NSFC). No longer an independent agency under China’s State Council, NSFC is now an entity
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.

The NSFC had been seen as a pioneer in promoting a culture of basic science through the support of original investigator-driven, peer-reviewed research. Members of the scientific community now fear that NSFC operations will succumb to the more applications-oriented, bureaucratic procedures of its new home ministry.

SOCIALIST SCIENCE
China’s aspirations for scientific distinction, and its aggressive science policy in support of those aspirations, is occurring in a political environment that’s quite different from that of other countries with strong traditions of science.

The differences have come into sharper focus under the leadership of President and Party Chairman Xi Jinping. While Xi has redoubled political support for science, he has also altered the political climate by insisting on more demanding ideological commitments from the academic community to his own worldview, by strengthening the role of the Communist Party in research institutions and universities and by harnessing China’s technological progress to the development of a surveillance state, leaving little room for privacy and dissent.

Combined with China’s long tradition of bureaucratic rule, these initiatives set the models of science-state relations, and Chinese scientific development more generally, apart. Other leading nations in science have political systems based on law and the protection of human rights, on free and open communications and on civil society traditions, which permit the autonomous operation of professional societies.

The Chinese model, arguably, has been quite successful in producing rapid development over the past 30 years of scientific and technological “catch-up.” China has certainly caught up in selected fields and, in some, is advancing the frontier. But, whether this model of science-state relations is suitable, over time, for the kinds of original innovation and creative scientific breakthroughs envisioned by the leadership—and for
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from new technologies—are among the more intriguing questions about China’s future.

This article was originally published on
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. Read the
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.
 
now I read
Opinion: China and the US must avoid a ‘new Cold War’
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US President Donald Trump’s trade war against China and the world is subverting the global open trade order and effectively dismantling the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the universal authority for the resolution of trade disputes.

This trade friction, which is not limited to China and the US, has deep roots in the restructuring of domestic politics taking place in the two largest economies in the world, as well as in changes in the mutual perceptions the countries have of one another.

While China-US interdependence and common interests continue to expand, their technological and strategic competition has come earlier than expected. Economic competition, combined with differences in ideology, development models and political systems, may push China and the US into the dangers of a “new Cold War.”

Trump’s trade war with China and the world

On March 22, the Office of the US Trade Representative (USTR) released a Section 301 report on China’s trade practices. Based on that report, Trump issued a presidential memorandum that called for countering China’s “economic aggression,” and instructed his administration to impose extra import tariffs on 50 billion US dollars in goods from China, and to restrict Chinese investments in the US.

The report mainly accused China of restricting the ownership rights of foreign enterprises and demanding the establishment of joint ventures, thus forcing US companies to transfer technology to Chinese companies.

On March 8, before the launch of the trade war with China, the US had announced the results of an investigation under Section 232 (the “national security” exemption) of the US Trade Expansion Act of 1962, and declared it would impose a tariff of 25 percent on imports of steel into the US and a 10 percent tariff on aluminum imports.

While these measures would have an impact on China, the countries that would be most severely affected are close US allies, including Canada, the European Union and Japan.

So far, only South Korea has agreed to accept “voluntary” export restrictions to reduce trade in steel and aluminum products. Trump himself revealed that he will launch attacks against automobiles made in Germany and other countries.

Trump’s trade policy reflects his “America First” political philosophy and his adherence to an outdated concept of trade that pays overwhelming attention to trade imbalances. He believes that all countries that have a trade surplus with the US are engaged in “unfair” trade.

To correct this, he believes the US must leverage its domestic laws to impose sanctions or threaten sanctions on its trading partners. The Section 301 and Section 232 actions are all unilateral, based on US domestic trade laws, in violation of the obligations of the US as a WTO member, thus severely impacting the multilateral trading system the US helped to establish after the Second World War.

In addition to launching a unilateral trade war, the US is blocking the appointment of new judges for the WTO dispute settlement mechanism, a move aimed at paralyzing the mechanism as an excuse for its unilateral measures.

In short, Trump and his administration’s thinking on trade policies reflect views that are behind the times and violate WTO obligations. The “America First” protectionist trade policy is subverting the very multilateral trading system the US itself established.

Choosing the future

For now, Trump’s “America First” policy is focused on seeing the trade imbalance as a long-term threat to US national security. Although the influence of hardliners and security strategists on maintaining US hegemony is on the rise, they have not yet dominated the direction of Trump’s China policy.

However, we must be vigilant. If China-US trust cannot be restored and promoted, the Taiwan issue, the issue of the South China Sea, and competition in the high-tech sector may push China and the US into a new Cold War, repeating the history of the US-Soviet confrontation.

The future of China-US relations faces two options. The first is that the two countries strengthen cooperation under the framework of global governance.

China and the US can reach a lot of consensus on the framework of global governance and jointly provide international public goods to safeguard common interests. As the world’s two largest economies, they have special responsibilities for maintaining global peace and stability and safeguarding the global open trade system and the stability of the international financial system.

In the past, the two countries, generally speaking, handled their relations in a practical way, and as a result, their shared interests and consensus have continued to expand.

Noticeably, they have made considerable progress in cooperation within the G20 framework, and the US has also shown some flexibility in allowing China to play a greater role, while China respects the status of the US in the international system.

Both sides should properly handle economic and trade frictions. In the face of dissatisfaction and complaints from the US government and US corporations, the Chinese side should realize that this is an expression of the strong US interests in the Chinese market.

According to 2017 statistics, China has surpassed the US as the world’s largest consumer market. The latest survey data from the American Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai also showed that US-invested companies in China are significantly profitable and over 60 percent of US companies plan to expand their investment in China.

Economic and trade relations as a “stabilizing stone” in bilateral relations have not been shaken. In economic and trade negotiations, the Chinese side should adhere to principles, and respond to unreasonable US demands with strength.

At the same time, China must deepen reforms and expand its opening up to consolidate the common interests that are the foundation of China-US relations.

The scenario of a new Cold War can be avoided if the two countries work together and find common ground. It is necessary to adhere to the basic policy of building a “new type of great power relations” between China and the US.

In 2012, President Xi Jinping proposed such a strategic idea, in which both countries would commit to establishing such relations, based on the principle of no conflict, no confrontation and mutual benefit.

Facing the rapid rise of China, US elites have a deep sense of anxiety about the possibility of America’s decline. It is all the more necessary for the two countries to adhere to and implement this strategic policy, in order to avoid the so-called Thucydides trap, which postulates that war between a rising power and an established power is inevitable.
 

montyp165

Senior Member
"Socialist Science" ? To imply that Science can have the element of political affiliation, just because the scientific development happen to be in China, is stretching things a bit too far.

When they start spewing political rhetoric on "rule of law" or "human rights" they are as clueless as the worst religious fundamentalists on understanding actual scientific thought and development.
 
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