(1)when US went from 3rd to 4th, and from 4th to 5th generations - there were multiple failed and half-failed attempts in-between; either tech just wasn't there yet, or concept wasn't advanced enough, or whole programs were just butchered.
US may needed to replace F-22, but they may very well have realized that replacing the flawed thing f-22 has become (it wasn't meant to be a silver bullet) by doubling down on flawed result may actually bring a flawed outcome.
(2)China going onwards with its new fighter isn't a sign of definitive advantage *just because*, though it certainly seems this way: US problems are clearly money-related, and articles about horrible shape of Chinese economy don't really stop it's growth.
Still, too early to celebrate in this case.
(3) Switch for range in NGAD to extreme and back is indeed partially a recognition that there will be bo safe basing from PLARF/PLAN. But it is also sensible - if it will have to be so far that it's meaningless from a rotation point of view: maybe a squadron or two of fighters available on stations from Seoul to Singapore doesn't sound very superior.
Not even talking about politics: you can move fighters to Guam and Hawaii, but you can't take Philippines, South Korea and Japan there with you, and using allies as rocket sponges isn't very ally way.
Smaller fighters can be easier hidden in far larger land mass and number of airstrips, primary or improvised, even within Chinese engagement radius. Yes, losses will happen for USAF - not the end of life; at stated super-NGAD procurement numbers, I'd argue that air dominance was already out of question that way.
(4)Chinese fighter may or may not be even aimed at new generation air dominance. Like, closest things to replace in PLAAF are JF-7s(maybe less relevant), J-11s(can be done by J-20), and, more importantly perhaps, hundreds of J-10As. One way to do it Is of course to do it with heavy fighters. But another one is actually a new fighter, and it just so happens that early 2030s fit just perfectly for that exact scenario and timeline.
When we celebrate PLARF, we keep in mind that said vulnerability goes both ways; either Chinese superfighters have to be moved deeper, or a new fighter, one that can be based in a threatened environment, is needed. And while you can move fighters inland, you can't move coastal China to the inner provinces. Civilians should hide behind fighters, not fighters hide behind civilians.
And much like with smaller US NGAD, being smaller, more attritable and more to the same scale as ground infrastructure - helps.