Cont'd from previous post
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The Political Tide Turns
Woo resigned from his post in the Blue House on October 30, along with a number of other Blue House staff. When Woo was first called in for questioning by the PS in early November, a civilian bystander again submitted inflammatory photos to the press, showing a very relaxed Woo having what appeared to be a casual conversation with smiling and laughing PS agents, nothing like the stern questioning expected from the public. Perhaps the relaxation was because he really had nothing to do with Choi. Perhaps it was because he was talking to one of his juniors, a friend. Whatever the case, the images helped precipitate the first million-strong demonstration that weekend. This demonstration, in turn, helped to prompt political action for the first time.
In the early stages of President Park’s scandal, most politicians, regardless of party, had approached the situation with caution. Only when public support for Park dropped below 5 percent did MPs and party leaders begin to speak out and join the protests. By mid-November, the PS was starting to make official statements about the inevitability of an investigation of the Blue House. Park dug in, declaring she would not submit to investigation unless impeached.
Since the Korean constitution states all branches of government receive their power and authority directly from the office of the president, there were sincere questions about whether a sitting president could be investigated. Most scholars agreed an investigation was constitutional but there was no precedent, creating the possibility of a long, protracted legal battle. It was amid the possibility of this deadlock that opposition political parties finally started to seriously discuss the possibility of impeachment, culminating in a successful vote on December 9.
At various points during the buildup to the vote, engaged members of the public continued to aid the media by supplying evidence to disprove various denials made by key suspects. In the case of Kim Ki-choon, members of the public proved he was lying when he said he had never even heard the name Choi Soon-sil before by showing footage of his involvement in a hearing where Choi was discussed at length. When Woo Byung-woo suddenly disappeared in early December, it was a team of public whistleblowers who supplied evidence of his whereabouts, culminating in his appearance for questioning in parliamentary hearings on December 22.
As someone living in Korea and having watched history unfold these last few months, it has been impossible to shake the feeling the media did what the Prosecution Service was reluctant to do. Without media involvement, the engagement of bystanders, and the propinquity of various storylines coming together, it appears possible and even likely the Choi Soon-sil scandal would have been snuffed out like so many other allegations before it. It was only after Park had been impeached and a special prosecutor assigned that more proper investigations began, culminating in the parliamentary hearings and the shocking indictment of Samsung’s chief, Lee Jae-yong. The courts, unfortunately, have yet to demonstrate a change from the norm, flatly denying the special prosecutor’s request for a warrant to arrest Lee, citing “a lack of evidence” despite overwhelming media coverage and Lee’s own admissions in parliamentary hearings to the contrary.
Based on the evidence presented here and in those hearings, it becomes difficult to view the current presidential scandal as a single, isolated incident. Instead, the picture painted depicts a deeply embedded tradition of backdoor dealings on an epidemic scale affecting all levels of government, especially the very bureaus that should be overseeing justice. Beyond influence-peddling, the scandal extends to strong-arm tactics to suppress the truth by manipulating the press, questionable due process in the courts, and possible tampering with the Prosecution Service.
Had it not been for Choi Soon-sil’s tablet, Park may have never been impeached. One can only hope this is the beginning of a new, more transparent democracy in Korea where an honest, brave media continues to play a central role in informing the public, especially when the allegiances of the PS are called into question. It remains to be seen how far the public will reward the media’s bravery by continuing to motivate cultural and institutional change through peaceful protest and activism. Although Park was impeached, true change will require a lot more. For those of us keeping track of history, it is important to note the ex-PS prosecutors Hong Man-pyo, Woo Byung-woo, and Jin Kyung-jin still remain free men, unimprisoned and uncharged.
Justin Fendos is a a professor at Dongseo University in South Korea and the associate director of the Tan School at Fudan University in Shanghai, China.
