US Military News, Reports, Data, etc.

really?
Fixing the Pentagon’s Windows XP Problem
Defense Secretary Ashton Carter just announced plans for the Defense Department to collaborate with NATO allies to better protect critical infrastructure in cyberspace.

You’d be forgiven if you missed it. The big news out of his press conference on Tuesday in Estonia was how the Pentagon
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of Abrams tanks, Bradley fighting vehicles and Paladin howitzers, among other equipment, to Eastern Europe in response to Russia’s recent military activity in the region.

But Carter also mentioned the rising threats in cyberspace.

“We must also prepare NATO and our allies for cyber challenges, particularly from Russia,” he said. “That’s why today, I visited NATO’s Cooperative Cyber Defense Center of Excellence, and I’m pleased to announce a new American initiative to bolster the center’s role in leading our partners towards improved cyber defense.”

It sounds like a worthy effort. After all, the Pentagon plans to work with NATO to develop cyber defense strategies, critical infrastructure protection plans and cyber defense posture assessments (whatever those are).

Even so, it’s also important to remember that for all the lofty emphasis the Defense Department it placing these days on various cybersecurity initiatives — it still faces the very practical problem of relying on aging software.

Case in point: The Navy recently signed a potentially $31 million contract with Microsoft Corp. so it can keep using the Windows XP operating system. Yes, that Windows XP — the one that shipped on your desktop PC more than a decade ago.

Here’s the top of the
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:

Microsoft Corp., Redmond, Washington, is being awarded a $9,149,000 firm-fixed-price modification to a previously awarded contract (N00039-14-C-0101) for Microsoft Premier Support services and Microsoft Custom Support services for Windows XP, Office 2003, Exchange 2003 and Server 2003. Microsoft Premier Support services and Microsoft Custom Support services are required to provide critical software hotfixes to sustain deployed capabilities.

Windows XP came out in 2001 and has since been succeeded by Windows Vista, Windows 7 and Windows 8. Microsoft last year stopped providing free support and security updates to the software. Hence, the reason for the company’s contract with the Navy: The service still has some 100,000 workstations that run the aging operating system.

As Steven Davis, a spokesman for the Space and Naval Warfare Systems Command in San Diego, told Martyn Williams of the IDG News Service:

“The Navy relies on a number of legacy applications and programs that are reliant on legacy Windows products. Until those applications and programs are modernized or phased out, this continuity of services is required to maintain operational effectiveness.”

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also references a Navy report that states the Microsoft applications affect key command and control systems on ships and land-based legacy systems, including those tied to the Pentagon’s non-classified and classified networks — the so-called Nonsecure Internet Protocol Router Network, or NIPRNet, and the Secure Internet Protocol Router Network, or SIPRNet:

“Without this continued support, vulnerabilities to these systems will be discovered, with no patches to protect the systems. The resulting deterioration will make the U.S. Navy more susceptible to intrusion … and could lead to loss of data integrity, network performance and the inability to meet mission readiness of critical networks.”

While unglamorous, the work of updating operating systems to better defend networks against hackers, foreign or domestic, should probably take higher priority than launching new centers of excellence or other nice-sounding cyber units.
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Jeff Head

General
Registered Member
really?
Fixing the Pentagon’s Windows XP Problem

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Nothing too surprising here. IMHO, it's not really news...just another attempt to create an issue where none exists.

Most government agencies were required some time ago to migrate away from XP. But there are critical legacy operations, which depend on their functions being able to operate without interruption, who may not have been able to do so...as the article states.

Those operations are going to either:

1) Wait on their functionality to be proven to be able to operate properly on newer OS releases.

- or -

2) Have Microsoft or some other entity continue to support XP so their operations can continue.

We had several such cases in the agency I work for. The last one (XP platform) is going to be replaced in the next month or so.
 
"Navy Force Structure and Shipbuilding Plans:
Background and Issues for Congress" is available at
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(dated June 12, 2015); from Summary:
The Navy’s proposed FY2016 budget requests funding for the procurement of nine new battle force ships (i.e., ships that count against the Navy’s goal for achieving and maintaining a fleet of 308 ships). The nine ships include two Virginia-class attack submarines, two DDG-51 class Aegis destroyers, three Littoral Combat Ships (LCSs), one LPD-17 class amphibious ship, and one TAO(X) class oiler. The Navy’s proposed FY2016-FY2020 five-year shipbuilding plan includes a total of 48 ships, compared to a total of 44 ships in the FY2015-FY2019 five-year shipbuilding plan.
etc.
 
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The USN needs to make up its mind regarding its objectives. If the plan is to maximise availability of vessels capable of handling multiple type threats than it is simply a case of maximising outcome from available resources. Complaining about the lack of funds is not proactively managing the issue because funding will always be limited. In my view, the USN should pursue the modernisation path and slow down the procurement of new Burkes. Spending $500 million to modernise 5 ships sure beat spending $2.0 billion on a new Burke in effectiveness.

Brumby, I've had a related discussion with Jeff ("about the number of BMD-capable ships needed") recently ... I don't want to quote Jeff here :) so you can look at my question(s)
https://www.sinodefenceforum.com/us-military-news-thread.t1547/page-390#post-336354
(sorry if it's out of your interest)
 

TerraN_EmpirE

Tyrant King
The canopy of a fighter is normally transparent, fifth generation fighters use gold impregnated canopies there is a reason for this the canopy alows most energy wavelengths to pass through including a number of frequencies of radar. This means anything inside the cockpit can be a radar reflector. To counter this fifth Gen have the gold which absorbs a number of frequencies of energy. It the same reason why NASA astronauts space visors are gold. But that will only absorb some of the energy so the inside of the raptor or F35 also has to have some signature mitigation strategies built in including the pilots helmet which if a traditional model is a natural radar reflector. Its round shape and metallic connectors make it a potential problem. So stealthy aircraft have to work around it. F117 had the pilot buried in the cockpit with almost no visual reference as the canopy had barely any glass. B2 cockpits habe more glass but still a much smaller range of visual line of sight then raptor. When they built raptor they designed it for fighter missions and gave the pilots a helmet with a reduced radar reflection coating as well as angling much of the interior. F35 helmets are also reduced in radar reflection.
 

FORBIN

Lieutenant General
Registered Member
Interesting and a reason ( with others ) why fifth Gen fighters are also expensive.

But F-117 and B-2 have a golden canopy also ?
Sometimes annouced also a plasma system for B-2 very difficult for to be sure ofc.
 
A-10 controversy continued ...
GAO report blasts Air Force justification for A-10 retirement
The Air Force based its plan to retire the A-10 on an inaccurate projection of cost savings, and will run into a capability gap associated with providing close air support, the Government Accountability Office said in a report released Thursday.

The GAO's report punches holes in the Air Force's justification for its controversial decision to retire the attack jet, saying planners did not "fully assess" the cost savings associated with the A-10 divestment. For example, the Air Force's projection of saving $4.2 billion over five years by retiring the jet did not include the increased workload on other aircraft tasked with picking up the slack. On the other hand, the savings could be more, because the Air Force didn't include savings from canceling software upgrades and other modifications to the aircraft, the GAO said.

"Without a reliable cost estimate, the Air Force does not have a complete picture of the savings it would generate by divesting the A-10 and does not have a reliable basis from which to develop and consider alternatives to achieve budget targets or assess the impact on other missions such as air superiority or global strike," the GAO said in the June 25 report.

Congress tasked the GAO with reviewing the Air Force's plan in the fiscal 2015 National Defense Authorization Act. The agency briefed congressional defense committees on its report in April, shortly before the House Armed Services Committee marked up its version of the fiscal 2016 defense bill, which included an amendment from Rep. Martha McSally, R-Arizona, to block the Air Force's plan.

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does not recommend any action. The agency will continue to study the plan for a report later this year.

The agency states that the Air Force made the plan to retire the A-10 based on a "strategy-based, portfolio-wide" review of its fleet and a need to cut its budget. The Air Force's guidance prioritized fifth-generation aircraft, readiness and multi-role aircraft over the A-10.

To further justify its decision, the Air Force warned Congress it would need to find alternative paths to finding the $4.2 billion in savings, including cutting other aircraft fleets. However, these warnings were "illustrative only" and were not fully considered as a possible alternative within the service, according to the GAO.

The report also joins other critics in blasting the Air Force for cutting the jet because it would create capability gaps in the service's need to fly close air support mission. The service has said it could fill the gap in close air support with other aircraft able to fly the mission. However, the report states an internal Defense Department planning scenario showed cutting the A-10 "would increase operational risks" in 2020 before the F-35 is fully capable in close air support.

Additionally, the report highlights the A-10 as the only aircraft that can conduct the combat search and rescue "Sandy" mission, in which the aircraft would escort helicopters in enemy territory to recover personnel. Lastly, the A-10 is the best aircraft to counter "swarming" enemy boats that threaten U.S. warships. The Air Force is considering moving A-10 personnel to F-16 and F-15E units to focus more on close air support missions, and study whether those aircraft can fly these missions, but that move isn't finalized.

The A-10 is also used to train joint terminal attack controllers, meaning cutting the aircraft could reduce the amount of training these airmen receive, the GAO wrote.

The Air Force reviewed the GAO report this spring, and in response said it did not take issue with most of the information in the report, but criticized the GAO for not looking at the decision's impact on the entire fleet, specifically the issue of manning.

"While the complexities of the Air Force's difficult budgetary decision is fairly represented in the report, the context in which that decision was made can only be understood by better assessing the risks to air superiority and global strike that retaining the A-10 fleet presents," the Air Force wrote in response to the report.

The Air Force wrote that it needs to cut the A-10 to have enough personnel to stand up the F-35, based on a January report from the Pentagon's Capabilities Assessment and Program Evaluation report that found the service would not have enough personnel to stand up the F-35 and maintain legacy aircraft.

However, the GAO responded that since the report didn't exist when the Air Force first decided to retire the A-10, it was not a part of the service's original decision making.
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one quote from that report
(
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p. 2):
We found that the Air Force has not fully assessed the cost savings associated with A-10
divestment or its alternatives. However, in its fiscal year 2015 budget request, the Air Force
estimated that divesting the A-10 would allow it to save $4.2 billion over its 5-year budget plan. Our analysis found that the Air Force’s estimated savings are incomplete and may overstate or understate the actual figure.
 

Jeff Head

General
Registered Member
12th Virginia class, 2nd Block III boat, USS John Warner SSN-785, delivered to USN


000 John Wanrer.jpg

Naval Today said:
The U.S. Navy accepted delivery of PCU John Warner (SSN 785) June 25, the 12th submarine of the Virginia Class.

John Warner is the second of eight Virginia-class Block III ships and the sixth to be delivered to the U.S. Navy by Newport News Shipbuilding.

John Warner successfully completed the Navy’s Board of Inspection and Survey (INSURV) trials, which evaluate the submarine’s seaworthiness and operational capabilities, June 12. During the trials, the crew took the submarine to test depth, tested the submarine’s propulsion plant and material readiness resulting in the highest INSURV score of the Virginia-class submarines. John Warner will spend the upcoming weeks preparing for its Aug. 1 commissioning in Norfolk, Virginia.

Block III submarines feature a redesigned bow, which replaces 12 individual launch tubes with two large-diameter Virginia Payload Tubes each capable of launching six Tomahawk cruise missiles, among other design changes that reduced the submarines’ acquisition cost while maintaining their outstanding warfighting capabilities.
 
sounds alarming ...
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Washington’s gotten used to war on easy mode. Policymakers may debate the
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of air campaigns in places like
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,
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, and
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, but they assume the smart bombs will hit their targets. One bomb, one target, one boom.

That assumption is no longer safe, says a new study from the influential
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. (CSBA gave us a copy in advance).
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are growing more sophisticated and more common. Advanced anti-aircraft missiles can snipe a single smart bomb out of the sky, let alone the US aircraft carrying it.
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can scramble radar and GPS.
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and
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are becoming practical weapons against incoming missiles. So the smart bomb won’t always get through.

Worse, as the odds of any single weapon hitting go down, the number of weapons required to assure a hit goes up exponentially, say CSBA authors
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and
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. If the enemy can’t stop your weapons, you need to send just one to have 95 percent confidence of hitting any given target. But if the enemy can stop a significant fraction of your smart bombs, say 20 percent, you need to send two to achieve that same 95 percent confidence. If your weapons have only a 50-50 chance, you need to send five. Against a major adversary, like
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or (in the nightmare scenario)
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, we might run out of weapons well before we run out of targets.

Worse still, we might lose an awful lot of aircraft on the way. A staggering 96 percent of the precision weapons the Pentagon has bought since 9/11 have been “direct attack” munitions. These weapons are relatively short-ranged. For example, the new
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has wings to glide up to 40 nautical miles from the aircraft that launches it. The older and larger Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM) can glide just 13 nm.

Against a low-tech adversary like the Islamic State, a US aircraft 13 miles away might as well be on the moon. Against an adversary with modern anti-aircraft weapons, however, a US aircraft that comes within 13 or even 40 miles is begging to be shot down.

In brief, we’ve not bought enough smart weapons for a major war — and the ones we have bought are mostly the wrong kind.

Conversely, we have far too few long-range weapons such as cruise missiles, which can be fired from outside enemy air defenses’ range, and the ones we do have are far too expensive to buy in bulk. The average direct-attack bomb bought since 2001 costs $55,500; the average long-range precision-guided weapon costs $1.1 million, twenty times as much.

Replaying the 2003 invasion of Iraq with long-range weapons in place of all the direct-attack ones, Gunzinger and Clark write, “would cost $22 billion for the PGMs alone.” Even if we wrote a blank check in a crisis, they say, the industrial base probably couldn’t ramp up fast enough. Whatever we do about the smart bomb problem, we need to start working on it now.

And there are definitely things we can do, say Gunzinger and Clark, who discussed an advance copy of their report with me. There are new tactics like “tunneling” — depleting the enemy defenses with decoys, jammers, and cheap bombs before we fire the good stuff — that we can use right now. In the near term, there are modest modifications we can make to our existing direct-attack weapons, like adding wings and even small turbojets that boost their range dramatically. New explosive materials can make lighter weapons hit harder.

In the longer term, we can build new types of intermediate-range weapons in what Gunzinger and Clark call the “sweet spot” between cheap direct-attack munitions and expensive long-range ones. The vast majority of existing US weapons have ranges either less than 50 nautical miles or more than 400, they write, but weapons in the 50-400 band should be far more affordable than cruise missiles yet far more capable of penetrating advanced air defenses than unpowered gliding bombs. (The 200-nm-range
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, or Joint Air-To-Surface Standoff Missile, is one of the few weapons in this “sweet spot” currently).

New weapons could incorporate some degree of
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and
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, to make it harder for enemy defenses to detect and target them. Some might be
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, achieving speeds above Mach 5 to dash through enemy defenses before they can react.

One day, really smart smart bombs could even incorporate some measure of artificial intelligence. If all the autonomous munitions headed for one target were shot down, while another target was struck on the first try, the surplus smart weapons from the target already destroyed could divert themselves in flight to where they were still needed. Such “collaborative” weapons should be markedly more efficient, Gunzinger and Clark calculate, dramatically reducing the number required.

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— let alone make plans together — might be more than a little unnerving. There are alternatives: Some existing weapons already have datalinks to let human operators retarget them in flight. But against
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, jamming might cut the humans out of the loop. The only option available might be short-range communications between weapons in the same salvo, or even radio-less
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.

The report recommends a host of other measures, such as shuffling
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among multiple bases to avoid attack, building more
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, and
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. But for Washington policymakers who’ve come to take smart bombs for granted, the study’s most important lesson is they can’t.
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