Ukrainian War Developments

Status
Not open for further replies.

Lethe

Captain
In fact I can only strongly contradict. There is no good and bad, fine and evil either West or East. Both sides similar to powers since ages compete on influence, power and whatever by any political means be that "bribery, corruption, CIA or FSB penetration, etc ..." That was always that way and will always be the same as long humans exist. The point however is that there is nothing like a certain countries backyard, where Russia has the right to dominate the will of a certain country and its peoples in the same way there is a right to say this is the "US' backyard". No one has the right to write roles for another independent country.

I want to expand upon what you have written here because I think it gets to the heart of things. You have articulated and distinguished between abstract moral principles on the one hand (sovereignty, right of self-determination) and the realities of power in international relations on the other.

As a strident critic of American imperialism, it is certainly not my desire to condone or advocate for a world devoid of moral principles, in which "might makes right". However, I do believe that we need to attend seriously to relations of power, to the physics of power. To put it in simple terms, wherever large disparities in power exist, those with less power need to tread very carefully. It does no good to speak of one's unique culture, one's right to self-determination, etc. when one's nation is in ruins. Cuba and the Soviet Union were "right" in the Cuban Missile Crisis. Nonetheless Washington was prepared to end the world and the latter two nations fortunately did not press their moral claims. This example goes to a larger point: the failure to attend carefully to relations of power has moral implications. The death and destruction of war, the mass suffering wrought by economic sanctions, these are the costs of a failure to respond appropriately to preponderant power. We can say that Moscow is morally wrong in its actions, but where does this moral outrage get us? It is Ukraine that is in ruins, its people who are suffering. This war reflects a catastrophic failure on the part of the Ukrainian government to discharge its most fundamental duty: to preserve the nation it claims to serve.

This is my basic advice to all such nations, communities, self-styled entities, that find themselves in the shadow of preponderant power: your policies and behaviour must be minimally acceptable to the hegemon. This does not mean acquiescence in all things, but it means careful attention to matters of power, to what is likely to rouse the beast from its slumber. For if you cross the "red lines" of the hegemon, whatever they may be, your very existence may be imperiled. That is what I would say to Kyiv, to Dili, to Taipei, to protestors in Hong Kong, to all the nations in the world that live, to a greater or lesser degree, in the shadow of the United States. If you value the people you claim to serve, if you value what is unique about your nation/community, etc. it is your responsibility not to lead them to ruin. And indeed, this is my response to the standard critique of realism in international relations, i.e. that it is amoral. The reality is that the blind pursuit of abstract moral principles can have terrifying human costs when confronted with the realities of power, and we are seeing this play out now in Ukraine.

TL;DR Far from being opposed to one another, a genuine morality, in the form of concern for human lives and human suffering, the preservation of unique cultures and histories, demands careful attention to the realities of power.
 
Last edited:

Suetham

Senior Member
Registered Member
Please, Log in or Register to view URLs content!
Did Russia guarantee total air superiority or not?

This is worth some considerations.

Interestingly, I rarely see any Western analyst say that Russia has failed to establish air superiority, which seems pretty clear to me that there is air superiority.

A description of air superiority: Air superiority is the degree of control of the air by a force that allows it to conduct its operations, at a certain time and place, without prohibitive interference from the air and missile threats.

However, the talk is that Russia has not achieved Air Supremacy and this concept is different from that of Air Superiority.

With Russia's overwhelming strength, it has full capacity to enforce Air Supremacy using the means theoretically available, after all, the strength that Russia has on paper is overwhelming. And I'm not just talking about air resources, but also logistical-operational support. The Russians are theoretically capable of interfering with transmissions between the drones and their control locations. Theoretically they can interfere and intercept/decode the Ukrainians' radio transmissions, theoretically they are capable of surgical precision attacks on any targets and with the intensity they wish.

So what is really holding the Russians back?

MANPADs? Light footprint on airfields under the argument of using bases as forward points?

The operating infrastructure of an airbase, once ground has been gained, can be quickly repaired to allow immediate operations, even if limited. Conquering Ukraine has all the time in the world to repair and expand these facilities in whatever way Russia deems best to support its Air Force.

The longer the conflict goes on, the more money Russia spends, the more time it gives the Ukrainians to reorganize and put up more resistance. No war is fought (on the part of the invader) so that it takes time, precisely because the uncertainties increase exponentially. One would be that close to imminent official defeat, the Ukrainians themselves could demolish all the supposedly valuable military infrastructure before handing it over to the Russians. Defenders want the conflict to drag on for as long as possible if they feel they can cause enough friction that military operations are no longer worthwhile or that favorable conditions, even for a negotiated solution, may appear on the horizon.

Economy of offensive force on the part of the Russians is a deprecated use of military air power, and this only makes operations more confusing, without clear objectives and facilitates the organization of defending forces. We are seeing this happen.

Russian ground advances are few and far between. There is even talk that there have been limited counterattacks by the Ukrainians. With such force, that shouldn't even be possible. The Ukrainians shouldn't even have the amount of armor they have.

What do you get out of it? Paper accepts everything. If we are just to analyze an operational picture based on the lists of military assets of both countries in conflict, we will come to the conclusion that this war should not even be a month old. But if we analyze the logistical problems, communication problems, problems with the supply of modern war material and precision missiles, we can conclude that perhaps the war can last at least another month, and that the forces on both sides are trying to adapt to a fluid situation, and that both sides will want to nullify the opposing side's movements and plans.

The alleged total air superiority should also be a source of clarification on the part of western authors who, in my view, do not address certain questions.

We do not see Russian aircraft throughout the entire Ukrainian territory performing battlefield interdiction tasks and preventing Ukrainians from receiving foreign aid. There were air attacks on Jitomir, but very limited. There was the attack on the Foreign Legion base, but limited. This aid that Ukraine receives will be used against Russian troops. We see no indication that Russian CAS role aircraft are managing to provide, in brute force and in the expected numbers (hundreds, perhaps), of large-scale close air support missions in cooperation and coordination with ground forces.

Probably the dispersion in battalion-sized units such as the aforementioned BTGs throughout the entire 1500 km operating area of the war could be mitigating in this case, we have even seen some CAS missions after Russia lost several support and logistical convoys, but it is clear that Russia, unlike the annual strategic exercises it usually employs, CAS is not part of the fixed doctrine of the Russian Army.

What follows are the following questions:

1 – If Russia has air supremacy, that is, there are no Ukrainian aircraft or missiles capable of interfering with Russian air operations, why can't they do interdiction tasks?

2- If Russia has air supremacy, then why don't its troops advance under the cloud umbrella of Su-25s and attack helicopters?

3- If they do not advance quickly, would the Russian ground forces have training and material conditions to take advantage of breaches opened by the air elements? If they have these conditions, why haven't they made significant advances since the first week of the war?

4- If they are able to interfere and intercept/decode and geolocate Ukrainian radio transmissions, why are their communications so bad with each other to the point of interfering in their actions and, above all, why can't they get ahead of the Ukrainian actions of way to exploit any tactical advantages in strategic successes? This questioning alone casts doubt on their intelligence-gathering capabilities on the battlefield.

Due to these questions, we can deduce that the Ukrainians still have some amount of S-300 and surveillance radars. We can also assume that they have better access to battlefield intelligence (either on their own or through NATO transfers), and that they likely still have a dwindling and increasingly inefficient number of combat aircraft. At the same time the battlefield is infested with MANPADs and the Russians lack PGMs and this makes them use unguided weaponry from higher altitudes, making accuracy poor.

We can also infer a confirmation that the Russians still do not have the ability to coordinate large numbers of aircraft in the same sector, that is, they lack concentration of firepower. Not only that, the very coordination between the different BTGs is deficient, the Russians' lack of communication is already widely accepted by military analysts. We can also assume that there is virtually no real-time coordination with Russian combat units and air units, at least not fixed-aviation ones, which compromises any exploration of gaps on the battlefield. Russian communications problems and lack of training are a hallmark of this Russian action in Ukraine.

It's hard to argue that the Russians have no problems in many tactical, doctrinal and operational aspects, including unexpectedly the deficiency of Russian intelligence, that column that was considered the most effective of all time, heir to the erstwhile KGB.
 

AndrewS

Brigadier
Registered Member
Russia isn't as isolated as the west thinks it is. This war is a watershed moment in geopolitics. From this point on, it's the west vs. the rest.

@Richard Santos

The result of the UN vote on Ukraine was interesting.

Countries comprising 48% of the global voted to condemn Russia.
The other 52% (including India and China) didn't.

And that's even before we look at countries like Brazil or South Africa, who presumably were arm-twisted into voting against Russia. See below

Brazil's Bolsonaro disauthorizes vice president who condemned Russian invasion of Ukraine
reuters.com/world/americas/brazils-bolsonaro-disauthorizes-vice-president-who-condemned-russian-invasion-2022-02-24/

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has blamed NATO for the war in Ukraine and said he would resist calls to condemn Russia
aljazeera.com/news/2022/3/18/update-1-s-africas-ramaphosa-blames-nato-for-russias-war-in-ukraine
 

Abominable

Major
Registered Member
Did Russia guarantee total air superiority or not?

This is worth some considerations.

Interestingly, I rarely see any Western analyst say that Russia has failed to establish air superiority, which seems pretty clear to me that there is air superiority.

A description of air superiority: Air superiority is the degree of control of the air by a force that allows it to conduct its operations, at a certain time and place, without prohibitive interference from the air and missile threats.

However, the talk is that Russia has not achieved Air Supremacy and this concept is different from that of Air Superiority.

With Russia's overwhelming strength, it has full capacity to enforce Air Supremacy using the means theoretically available, after all, the strength that Russia has on paper is overwhelming. And I'm not just talking about air resources, but also logistical-operational support. The Russians are theoretically capable of interfering with transmissions between the drones and their control locations. Theoretically they can interfere and intercept/decode the Ukrainians' radio transmissions, theoretically they are capable of surgical precision attacks on any targets and with the intensity they wish.

So what is really holding the Russians back?

MANPADs? Light footprint on airfields under the argument of using bases as forward points?

The operating infrastructure of an airbase, once ground has been gained, can be quickly repaired to allow immediate operations, even if limited. Conquering Ukraine has all the time in the world to repair and expand these facilities in whatever way Russia deems best to support its Air Force.

The longer the conflict goes on, the more money Russia spends, the more time it gives the Ukrainians to reorganize and put up more resistance. No war is fought (on the part of the invader) so that it takes time, precisely because the uncertainties increase exponentially. One would be that close to imminent official defeat, the Ukrainians themselves could demolish all the supposedly valuable military infrastructure before handing it over to the Russians. Defenders want the conflict to drag on for as long as possible if they feel they can cause enough friction that military operations are no longer worthwhile or that favorable conditions, even for a negotiated solution, may appear on the horizon.

Economy of offensive force on the part of the Russians is a deprecated use of military air power, and this only makes operations more confusing, without clear objectives and facilitates the organization of defending forces. We are seeing this happen.

Russian ground advances are few and far between. There is even talk that there have been limited counterattacks by the Ukrainians. With such force, that shouldn't even be possible. The Ukrainians shouldn't even have the amount of armor they have.

What do you get out of it? Paper accepts everything. If we are just to analyze an operational picture based on the lists of military assets of both countries in conflict, we will come to the conclusion that this war should not even be a month old. But if we analyze the logistical problems, communication problems, problems with the supply of modern war material and precision missiles, we can conclude that perhaps the war can last at least another month, and that the forces on both sides are trying to adapt to a fluid situation, and that both sides will want to nullify the opposing side's movements and plans.

The alleged total air superiority should also be a source of clarification on the part of western authors who, in my view, do not address certain questions.

We do not see Russian aircraft throughout the entire Ukrainian territory performing battlefield interdiction tasks and preventing Ukrainians from receiving foreign aid. There were air attacks on Jitomir, but very limited. There was the attack on the Foreign Legion base, but limited. This aid that Ukraine receives will be used against Russian troops. We see no indication that Russian CAS role aircraft are managing to provide, in brute force and in the expected numbers (hundreds, perhaps), of large-scale close air support missions in cooperation and coordination with ground forces.

Probably the dispersion in battalion-sized units such as the aforementioned BTGs throughout the entire 1500 km operating area of the war could be mitigating in this case, we have even seen some CAS missions after Russia lost several support and logistical convoys, but it is clear that Russia, unlike the annual strategic exercises it usually employs, CAS is not part of the fixed doctrine of the Russian Army.

What follows are the following questions:

1 – If Russia has air supremacy, that is, there are no Ukrainian aircraft or missiles capable of interfering with Russian air operations, why can't they do interdiction tasks?

2- If Russia has air supremacy, then why don't its troops advance under the cloud umbrella of Su-25s and attack helicopters?

3- If they do not advance quickly, would the Russian ground forces have training and material conditions to take advantage of breaches opened by the air elements? If they have these conditions, why haven't they made significant advances since the first week of the war?

4- If they are able to interfere and intercept/decode and geolocate Ukrainian radio transmissions, why are their communications so bad with each other to the point of interfering in their actions and, above all, why can't they get ahead of the Ukrainian actions of way to exploit any tactical advantages in strategic successes? This questioning alone casts doubt on their intelligence-gathering capabilities on the battlefield.

Due to these questions, we can deduce that the Ukrainians still have some amount of S-300 and surveillance radars. We can also assume that they have better access to battlefield intelligence (either on their own or through NATO transfers), and that they likely still have a dwindling and increasingly inefficient number of combat aircraft. At the same time the battlefield is infested with MANPADs and the Russians lack PGMs and this makes them use unguided weaponry from higher altitudes, making accuracy poor.

We can also infer a confirmation that the Russians still do not have the ability to coordinate large numbers of aircraft in the same sector, that is, they lack concentration of firepower. Not only that, the very coordination between the different BTGs is deficient, the Russians' lack of communication is already widely accepted by military analysts. We can also assume that there is virtually no real-time coordination with Russian combat units and air units, at least not fixed-aviation ones, which compromises any exploration of gaps on the battlefield. Russian communications problems and lack of training are a hallmark of this Russian action in Ukraine.

It's hard to argue that the Russians have no problems in many tactical, doctrinal and operational aspects, including unexpectedly the deficiency of Russian intelligence, that column that was considered the most effective of all time, heir to the erstwhile KGB.
Not answering your questions directly, but this is what I think.
1. Russia is ok with letting in supplies from the west. They've received assurances from the west that no heavy weaponry will be sent to Ukraine. Most of it seems to be coming in through civilian vehicles like 4x4s which is very inefficient. More than weapons and ammo, at this point they are bringing in food and supplies to keep 30 million people alive.
2. RuAF could absolutely smash Ukrainian ground units at this point. It would be a turkey shoot. They seem to be targeting the threats to them e.g. artillery positions which they are disabling slowly with UAV guided artillery of their own. Not as efficient as using drones but they seem to be lacking in that department.
3. As for why they aren't, probably because they don't want this to be a mass casualty war. Despite claims of tens of thousands of dead on both sides, casualty numbers are likely to be quite low for both sides. In the thousands rather than tens of thousands. Civilian deaths are also likely to be low. There will be exceptions - e.g. Mariupol where I think the deaths will exceed all previous ones combined.

The death blow to the Ukrainians are the PGM strikes which are focused on logistics hubs, railway depots, warehouses, depots, and any remaining anti air equipment. Once in a while they target a barracks or reddit battalion for propaganda value.

Countries normally rely on sea shipments for food and other essentials as it's the cheapest way. Transporting it by road in small vehicles is very expensive in costs of fuel, vehicles and drivers and is not sustainable in the long run.

Rather than getting stronger with time, the Ukrainian army is getting weaker. Rations, ammo will soon start to run low and morale will drop. Every tank, APC artillery unit they lose can't be replaced, and at some point, soldiers will have enough, ditch their uniforms and flee.

Time is on the side of Russians, assuming Putin manages the domestic situation. That is Putin's forte, there's no sign of any major civilian discontent at present. Protests have small and easily quashed, and seem to be the hippy anti-war type rather than regime change. It's also a geopolitical battle, which again is Putin's preferred battlefield and he's making Biden et al look divided and incompetent.

I don't think any Russian general will be happy right now as its not how Russians typically fight, but it's ultimately Putin's call.
 
Last edited:

Michaelsinodef

Senior Member
Registered Member

While I wouldn't put too much into his conclusions, but the video that does try to list quite a lot of the western companies that have left Russia and what kind of impact that they will have.
 
Status
Not open for further replies.
Top