Trade War with China

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CMP

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June 19, 2019
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Why Blacklisting Huawei Could Backfire
The History of Chinese Indigenous Innovation
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Last spring, when the U.S. Department of Commerce added the Chinese telecommunications company ZTE to a trade backlist, effectively severing ZTE from its vital U.S. suppliers, Chinese President Xi Jinping told an audience at a tech company that the Chinese people must “cast aside the illusion and rely on ourselves.” “The illusion” was the idea that China can prosper even as it relies on foreign technology.

The Trump administration seems determined to prove Xi right. Last month, it blacklisted the telecommunications giant Huawei, the third major Chinese company to be added to the Commerce Department’s blandly named Entity List within the last year. Huawei is an indispensable Chinese company, central both to the rollout of China’s 5G mobile network at home and to the country’s efforts to expand its digital influence abroad. The Trump administration is also considering
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several of China’s largest artificial intelligence companies.

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The Trump administration is betting that banning Chinese tech companies will bring Beijing to the negotiating table with the aim of negotiating
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to the Chinese economy. And barring that, it is hoping to deal China a blow in the race to harness next-generation technologies, such as AI and 5G. But within China, the administration’s moves have created a powerful new consensus in support of “self-reliance” and “indigenous innovation,” two mantras of the Chinese Communist Party that the country’s tech industry has reluctantly taken up. Washington has underestimated China’s ability to “tighten its belt,” as Xi put it after the ZTE blacklisting, and to develop replacements for foreign technology. The Trump administration may well be paving the way toward a more technologically independent, and possibly more powerful, China.

THE HISTORY OF SELF RELIANCE
In China, the concept of “self-reliance,” or ziligengsheng,
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its roots back to the civil war, when Mao Zedong’s communist guerrillas found themselves isolated and facing annihilation at the hands of the U.S.-backed nationalist forces. According to
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, the communists lived off the land and decentralized the production of economic and military goods as they rebuilt their forces and marshaled their strength. When, in 2014, Xi
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the concept as a call to reduce China’s dependence on foreign technology, the Mao-era slogan seemed an awkward fit for the age of global supply chains.

But China has a long tradition of defying international embargoes. During the Cold War, China succeeded in developing an atomic bomb even after the Soviet Union had cut off its technical support. Throughout the 1990s, China developed sophisticated satellites and rockets despite comprehensive U.S. sanctions on space-related technologies. In 2015, when the Obama administration
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Intel from selling processors to China for its latest supercomputer, Chinese researchers quickly developed a local replacement. Less than a year and a half later, China unveiled TaihuLight, then the world’s fastest supercomputer, which ran
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on Chinese-made processors.

These successes are partly the result of official policy. For decades, the Chinese government has urged scientists and researchers to go about their work with “the spirit of two bombs, one satellite”—a reference to China’s nuclear and missile programs during the height of the country’s isolation in the 1960s. To make the spirit a reality, China has developed a sprawling network of state and military research labs, including the Chinese Academy of Science, arguably the world’s largest research organization, with 115 research centers and 60,000 scientists.

This investment has translated into a formidable capacity for indigenous development, either through copying, and then building on, foreign technologies or through developing homegrown alternatives. China’s space sector, which has been almost entirely cut off from the United States for the past two decades, has built most of its satellites and rocket components from scratch. U.S. export controls on space-grade microchips have “actually benefitted China in unexpected ways over the years, because we’ve had to develop our own,” Zhao Yuanfu, a top state scientist, told the online magazine
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in February. After nearly a decade of work, China produces all the microchips it needs for advanced satellites, including the BeiDou Navigation Satellite constellation, China’s answer to the U.S. military-run Global Positioning System.
 

CMP

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But indigenous development takes hold only when foreign options run out, and few tech sectors in China are as cut off from the outside world as the space industry. For decades, Chinese researchers, at the behest of Chinese leaders seeking “secure and controllable” IT systems, have worked on a domestic alternative to Microsoft Windows. But the weak demand for a homegrown operating system due to the wide availability of foreign alternatives, not to mention the sheer complexity of building one from scratch, has stymied their efforts. China has also invested heavily in disrupting Intel and AMD’s near duopoly on cutting-edge central processing units. Yet Chinese developers continue to rely on more advanced foreign CPUs, which are more powerful and versatile than homegrown Chinese CPUs. As a result, even as China’s economic and political power has expanded, its economy has grown more, not less, dependent on foreign technology and components.

“The biggest challenge for indigenous innovation is not technology, talent, or capital, but the market,” Gao Xudong, a researcher at Tsinghua University,
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in a 2017 interview. “Even if we produce a good product through indigenous innovation, it will not succeed if there is no market.” China’s technology industry illustrates the problems markets pose to Beijing’s self-reliance push. The wide availability of superior foreign software and hardware has hampered progress. Moreover, China’s tech giants have long been noncommittal toward Beijing’s self-reliance drive, choosing to invest in lucrative consumer-facing applications rather than the “core technologies” that the state values. The country’s three largest tech companies, Baidu, Alibaba, and Tencent, all owe their large valuations to consumer products built on Western technologies. None other than Huawei founder Ren Zhengfei has
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the idea of indigenous innovation and extolled the advantages of global supply chains. “The idea that one needs to do everything themselves is a mentality only for peasants,” Ren said in an interview last year.

HUAWEI OR THE HIGHWAY
Blacklisting Huawei, however, has turbocharged the indigenous innovation effort. As a result of the blacklisting, the company plans to launch a replacement for Google’s Android operating system later this year. It is also working to replace a myriad of U.S. components and software to which it will soon lose access. Last week, Bloomberg
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that Huawei has up to 10,000 developers working around the clock in three cities to “eliminate the need for American software and circuitry.”

Beneath this burst of outward activity, a quieter and more consequential shift is taking place. U.S. action against Chinese companies has begun to change their calculus toward indigenous development. Reeling from U.S. sanctions, Huawei executives
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to Peking University last week to launch an R & D partnership with the university to bolster Huawei’s capacity for “indigenous innovation.” By using the official slogan, Huawei’s bosses seemed to be offering a mea culpa for their past resistance to self-reliance. Other executives have also changed their tune. Reflecting on the ZTE incident, Jack Ma, the founder of Alibaba,
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, “If we do not master the core technologies, we will be building roofs on other people’s walls and planting vegetables in other people's yards.” After the ZTE incident last year, Alibaba
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a chip business that will aim to reduce China’s dependence on foreign chips.

Even before the Trump administration began blacklisting Chinese tech companies, Beijing had advanced toward self-reliance. In 2014, the government launched a massive initiative to reduce China’s dependence on foreign chips. As part of that push, it will
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more than $100 billion in semiconductor design and manufacturing. Made in China 2025, the 2015 master plan to
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China’s industrial capacity, specifically targets foreign inputs in high-tech sectors and aims for “self-sufficiency” in crucial components. China has also begun mobilizing its financial markets,
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a new “tech board” on the Shanghai Stock Exchange to invest in companies working on technology the state deems strategically important.

Yet the United States may find that it has done more for self-reliance by banning ZTE and Huawei than the Chinese government has managed in a decade of official policy. Now that they are walking in lockstep, government and industry can move much faster. An international juggernaut with annual revenue comparable to that of Microsoft, Huawei can pour a lot of money into replacing core U.S. technology in its products. What is more important, by intentionally sourcing from Chinese suppliers, large companies such as Huawei can provide Chinese component makers with crucial opportunities to gain experience and develop new technical competencies. On average, Chinese chip and optical component suppliers are inferior to international leaders, since they lack scale and the ability to iterate their products with large customers. Orders from a company of Huawei’s size could change that.

Replacing the many U.S. suppliers on which Chinese companies rely will be a tall order, and at least in the short term, Chinese suppliers will be
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to fully meet the needs of companies such as Huawei. Advanced processors and chipsets that power the cutting-edge computation involved in machine learning, cloud computing, and 5G networks are almost exclusively developed by a handful of Western companies. Although some Chinese companies, such as Huawei’s chip unit HiSilicon, can build their own chips for some applications, they still rely on U.S. software and intellectual property to design the chips and international foundries, such as Taiwan’s TSMC, to manufacture them.





Nevertheless, China does have several factors working in its favor. For starters, it doesn’t need to develop everything itself. Chinese companies have long been
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acquiring technology abroad through partnerships, mergers and acquisitions, or outright intellectual property theft. U.S. export controls wouldn’t stop most of these, as they restrict only the export of U.S. technology or foreign products that contain significant U.S.-origin software or components. Technological partnerships and academic exchanges between China and the European Union played a
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role in China’s development of the BeiDou constellation. And Chinese state-backed funds, often using offshore shell companies, have proved adept at
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from U.S. sanction enforcers. As the U.S. technological embargo expands, so will the opportunities to poke holes in it.

Another advantage is China’s enormous domestic market. Few companies outside the United States are able to turn down opportunities to sell in China, and even fewer governments are willing to stomach the economic pain of turning away Chinese demand at Washington’s say-so. The Trump administration’s unsuccessful campaign to get Europe to ban Huawei from building its 5G network should have been a warning sign of the limited tolerance of U.S. allies for Washington’s brinkmanship. Instead, the administration is doubling down on a strategy that anticipates allies toeing the U.S. line.

It didn’t have to be this way. The United States could have maintained the rift between government and industry in China if it had ensured China’s continued dependence on U.S. technology. Instead, the Trump administration’s actions against ZTE and Huawei have turbocharged China’s self-reliance drive, aligning the interests of government and industry. Although in the short term the pain imposed on China’s tech industry by the blacklisting might appear to vindicate the administration’s move, over the long term its actions will pave the way to a more technologically formidable China.
 
Yesterday at 9:26 PM
now noticed the tweet
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·
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: Chinese President
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said he stands ready to meet
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at
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to exchange views on fundamental issues concerning the development of
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-U.S. relations.
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now
China signals currency war truce ahead of Xi Jinping’s meeting with Donald Trump at G20 in Japan
  • US president confirms first meeting between the two world leaders since December will take place next week in Osaka
  • The People’s Bank of China will sell 30 billion yuan (US$4.3 billion) worth of short terms bonds in Hong Kong next week to facilitate propping up the yuan
Updated: 10:49pm, 19 Jun, 2019
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China has signalled its intention to not “weaponise” the yuan’s exchange rate as a message of good faith ahead of next week’s meeting between President Xi Jinping and US counterpart Donald Trump at the G20 summit in Japan, according to an analyst.

To facilitate propping up the yuan just days before the two world leaders meet in Osaka, The People’s Bank of China (PBOC), China’s central bank, will sell 20 billion yuan (US$2.9 billion) of one-month bonds and 10 billion yuan of six-month bonds in Hong Kong on June 26.

It would be the third such central bank bill sale in Hong Kong after issuance twice in 2018, when the central bank decided to start a programme to sell regular short-term yuan-denominated securities to better manage yuan liquidity overseas. The PBOC announced last week it would sell bills in Hong Kong later this month, without specifying when or how much.

“China is sending a good faith message to the US trade delegation that they have no intention of weaponise the yuan,” said Stephen Innes, managing partner at Vanguard Markets Singapore.

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US President Donald Trump last met Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping in Argentina in December. Photo: AFP

China has signalled its intention to not “weaponise” the yuan’s exchange rate as a message of good faith ahead of next week’s meeting between President Xi Jinping and US counterpart Donald Trump at the G20 summit in Japan, according to an analyst.

To facilitate propping up the yuan just days before the two world leaders meet in Osaka, The People’s Bank of China (PBOC), China’s central bank, will sell 20 billion yuan (US$2.9 billion) of one-month bonds and 10 billion yuan of six-month bonds in Hong Kong on June 26.

It would be the third such central bank bill sale in Hong Kong after issuance twice in 2018, when the central bank decided to start a programme to sell regular short-term yuan-denominated securities to better manage yuan liquidity overseas. The PBOC announced last week it would sell bills in Hong Kong later this month, without specifying when or how much.

“China is sending a good faith message to the US trade delegation that they have no intention of weaponise the yuan,” said Stephen Innes, managing partner at Vanguard Markets Singapore.

“The US doesn’t want to remove tariffs until they have time to ensure 100 per cent compliance from China on trade issues. So this a further attempt to bridge the trust gap which is what’s been keeping these two sides apart on the tariff war.”

US President Trump said on Tuesday preparations would begin for the leaders to sit down after “a very good telephone conversation” with Xi, with analysts expecting that currency will form part of the discussions.

The US had previously demanded China limit the yuan’s depreciation, and thus the competitive advantage of China’s exporters to counter the impact of US tariffs on Chinese goods.

Local media cited Guo Tianyong, research director of the School of Finance at the Central University of Finance and Economics, as saying that the sale of PBOC bills was aimed at absorbing yuan funds to shrink the pool of yuan available outside the mainland. That would result in higher yuan interest rates, making it more expensive to short the yuan for foreigners and investors and thereby dampen depreciation pressure, Guo said.

The exchange rates of both onshore yuan traded in China, and offshore yuan traded outside the mainland, jumped on Wednesday, as financial markets were boosted by hopes of easing trade tensions and less pressure on the yuan.

The yuan has slid about 9 per cent to 6.91 against the US dollar from the onset of the trade war in April last year, although policymakers have prevented it from breaching the psychological threshold of 7 to the US dollar.

Earlier this month,
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said that no specific level for the yuan was important, fuelling market speculation that China was prepared to let the yuan slide past the 7 to the US dollar barrier if the US decided to go ahead and implemented 25 per cent tariffs on all Chinese imports.

“[So far] the PBOC have done a great job tempering bearish yuan expectations,” Innes from Vanguard Markets Singapore added. “After all, a weaker yuan does nothing to nurture the domestic capital markets with which will be called upon to do the heavy lifting to fund a considerable portion of the Belt and Road Initiative.

“Investors don’t want to worry about [yuan] currency [depreciation] risk that’s for sure.”

Total yuan bonds sold outside the mainland stood at US$2.1 billion in the second quarter, down from US$2.4 billion in the first quarter and US$4.8 billion in the same period last year, according to Refinitiv data.

Han Tan, market analyst at FXTM, however, warned that the US dollar strength, and thus yuan depreciation pressure, may continue should the US Federal Reserve adopt a less dovish than expected tone at its policy meeting on Thursday.

“Markets have been desperate for some glimmer of hope on the trade front, and Trump’s latest tweet once again underscores the fluidity surrounding US-China relations while proving that market sentiment can still turn on a dime,” Tan said.

The bill sales could expand the number of yuan investment products that can be bought by foreign investors, as well as improve the pricing on Hong Kong’s yuan-denominated yield curve, the PBOC said last week.

Subscription to previous central bank bond sales came from international commercial banks, funds, investment banks, central banks and international financial organisations in Hong Kong.
 

Hendrik_2000

Lieutenant General
This article confirm what I have been saying all along Here it is. I lament the lack of self reliance spirit on the part of Chinese private enterprises. Government can only do so much without the participation of private sector It will come to naught Now they are in the pickle and offered mea culpa
Huawei and other internet giant are the worst offender

The biggest challenge for indigenous innovation is not technology, talent, or capital, but the market,” Gao Xudong, a researcher at Tsinghua University,
Please, Log in or Register to view URLs content!
in a 2017 interview. “Even if we produce a good product through indigenous innovation, it will not succeed if there is no market.” China’s technology industry illustrates the problems markets pose to Beijing’s self-reliance push. The wide availability of superior foreign software and hardware has hampered progress. Moreover, China’s tech giants have long been noncommittal toward Beijing’s self-reliance drive, choosing to invest in lucrative consumer-facing applications rather than the “core technologies” that the state values. The country’s three largest tech companies, Baidu, Alibaba, and Tencent, all owe their large valuations to consumer products built on Western technologies. None other than Huawei founder Ren Zhengfei has
Please, Log in or Register to view URLs content!
the idea of indigenous innovation and extolled the advantages of global supply chains. “The idea that one needs to do everything themselves is a mentality only for peasants,” Ren said in an interview last year.
 
now I read
China must stay firm for negotiations
Source:Global Times Published: 2019/6/19 22:23:41
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Amid an impasse between the two countries, US President Donald Trump on Tuesday called Chinese President Xi Jinping. The leaders agreed to meet next week during the
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summit in the Japanese city of Osaka, bringing signs of a potential movement in the logjam. China, upon request, held a telephone conversation with the US. This is rich information.

Negotiation outcomes are not often obtained through talks, but through fights. If desiring a good negotiation result, China must persist and not fear.

China's fearless attitude of over a month will not be in vain. It has sent a clear signal to Washington: China can never be daunted. If the US imposes unfair conditions on China, it must be prepared for a protracted trade war and bear the consequential losses together with China.

In the past month, there have been broader objections in American society against an escalating trade war. The negative impact on the US economy caused by the trade war is becoming more and more evident and
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s are approaching. While pressuring China, the US is experiencing pressure too. The key lies in willpower. The principle that the fearless side will win has begun to dominate the China-US game.

The trade war will not smash either of the two countries, but it will make trouble. US difficulties are self-imposed, while China's are a hurdle for the country's further development that cannot be bypassed. We should be prepared with abundant moral resources.

The US should answer a fundamental question: Why did it launch the trade war in the first place? What benefits will it bring to the American people?

As the war grinds on, China has had increasingly clear and sufficient reasons to fight: China is fighting for the country's sovereignty, for further development and for the better life of the Chinese people.

China-US negotiations will have twists and turns. Negotiation and war coexisted through the second half of the Korean War (1950-53), and the arduous battles on Sangkumryung, known as Jane Russell Hill in the US, provided strong support for negotiations.

As trade between China and the US is highly likely to continue, the two countries may eventually reach an agreement. But China will not be impatient or afraid of setbacks.

The fierce confrontation of the last month will exert wider influence. The US is aware that China cannot be threatened or bullied easily, which will make Washington refrain from challenging Beijing's interests.

China is tough not only in its attitude. The past month has further verified China's great strength and its ability to support national will. Facing aggressive US pressure, China has remained in good order.

China is highly united politically and its economy runs smoothly. The exchange rate of China's renminbi experienced a small decline. Most other countries' exchange rates would plunge 50 percent or more if they had to deal with US sanctions.

The renminbi has not risen beyond 7 against the US dollar as some had expected. This proves that China has enough stamina to start a strategic game with the US.

China has the strong leadership and political core of the Communist Party of China, which guarantees the country a strategic focus at a critical juncture. Cowardice would trigger capitulationism, force China to accept US conditions and enable the US to act arbitrarily against China. But with a strong collective will, China has not backed down. The US government and society have seen this.

We should do our own things well and unite like a fortress. Persist in our stance and victory will be our only destination.
 

nugroho

Junior Member
Lot more than GM. Starbucks, Haagen Daz, Nike, Under Armour, MacDonalds, KFC, all that crap should go. They don't bring anything of value to China but take Chinese money. It will be up to Beijing when to use this card.
I agree, but they will take more measure to choke China, like nationalization of China enterprise in their country, and China will retaliate more, after the snowball is big enough then came real world war 3.
 

solarz

Brigadier
This article confirm what I have been saying all along Here it is. I lament the lack of self reliance spirit on the part of Chinese private enterprises. Government can only do so much without the participation of private sector It will come to naught Now they are in the pickle and offered mea culpa
Huawei and other internet giant are the worst offender

Well, one could argue that Huawei got successful from using the global supply chain. If Huawei was not successful, it would not be able to "turbocharge" any indigenous development.

Ren was wise enough to have back up plans in case Huawei's supply chain got disrupted.
 

CMP

Senior Member
Registered Member
It's not either/or. You maximize your exploitation of the global supply chain while using your newfound gains to R&D out your supply chain vulnerabilities, starting with the worst ones that would make you most vulnerable. Eventually you end up more self-sufficient, like Samsung and hopefully Huawei someday.
 

solarz

Brigadier
It's not either/or. You maximize your exploitation of the global supply chain while using your newfound gains to R&D out your supply chain vulnerabilities, starting with the worst ones that would make you most vulnerable. Eventually you end up more self-sufficient, like Samsung and hopefully Huawei someday.

While true, there's still the question of how much resources you should devote to such R&D. The devil is in the details.
 
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