South China Sea Strategies for other nations (Not China)

confusion

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Looks like the WSJ is starting to get worried about the possible impacts on SCS strategy of a Duterte presidency - this article certain drops many hints that the multilateral approach is something that was pushed very strongly by the US:
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Davao City mayor’s proposal is at odds with U.S.’s multilateral response on maritime disputes
BN-NV953_CPHIL_P_20160504105915.jpg

Presidential candidate Rodrigo Duterte, in white, says he is willing to talk with Beijing and is open to discussing joint exploration of resources in the South China Sea, a position that is at odds with the U.S.
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The front-runner in the Philippines presidential election is adding a twist to the fractious international dispute over the South China Sea, offering to negotiate directly with Beijing.

Rodrigo Duterte, the
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who’s been compared with Donald Trump, has said if elected he is willing to talk with Beijing and is open to discussing joint exploration of resources in the South China Sea. His suggested approach is at odds with the current Philippine administration—and the U. S.—which has advocated a multinational response to China’s assertive enforcement of territorial claims around one of the world’s busiest shipping routes.

The candidate isn’t backing down on the Philippines’ own claims in the region. While campaigning this week ahead of Monday’s election, Mr. Duterte pledged to ride a jet-ski to plant a Philippine flag on a disputed atoll now controlled by Beijing.

He has said that for talks to go ahead, Beijing must first acknowledge Manila’s sovereignty claims and allow Philippine fishermen to operate in surrounding waters—conditions that many analysts said China is unlikely to accept.

Even so, his consistent advocacy of a different strategy adds a layer of discord to a tense regional issue. Beijing has been reclaiming land to build out islands under its control and outfit them with airstrips. The U.S. has been
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to assert the right to freedom of navigation. Meanwhile, an international tribunal in The Hague is due to deliver a ruling this summer on a case challenging Beijing’s claims that was brought by Manila.

Mr. Duterte said, if elected, he would be open to talks with Beijing whatever the ruling but hasn’t said how he would respond to Chinese provocations. Chinese survey
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, the atoll essentially seized by Beijing from Philippine control in 2012, a possible prelude to land reclamation.

On the campaign trail Sunday and in an earlier interview, Mr. Duterte has said he would hold direct talks with Beijing on the South China Sea if current multilateral efforts didn’t bear fruit within two years. He said he might ask China to help build railway projects in the Philippines.

“I will bide my time,” he told The Wall Street Journal in an interview in January. “But if nothing is moving after 2 to 3 years, I will say this cannot go on. There are no talks going on because the U.S. and its allies want multilateral talks, and China wants bilateral talks. I would say to China that I’m ready to talk.”

He added: “You want to talk? OK. You want joint exploration? OK. You don’t claim it, and we won’t claim it.”

A Chinese foreign ministry spokesman sidestepped a question about Mr. Duterte’s remarks when asked Wednesday. “We hope the new Philippine government can
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and improve bilateral relations with concrete actions,” the spokesman, Hong Lei, said at a media briefing.

A State Department official said the U.S. “has consistently expressed support for nations to exercise peaceful means to resolve territorial or maritime disputes without the use or threat of force, intimidation or coercion.”

Ian Storey, an expert on the South China Sea at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, said that whoever won the election would need to try to mend relations with Beijing—and such efforts would likely be supported by the U.S.

A bigger concern, he said, would be if the new Philippine president “flip-flopped on the issue by, for instance, shelving the arbitration ruling and agreeing to joint development of resources on terms favorable to China.”

The Philippines’ departing president, Benigno Aquino III, rejected bilateral negotiations with Beijing and instead sought international support—including stronger military ties with Washington and Tokyo—and filed the unprecedented
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to China’s claims in The Hague in 2013.

Beijing has said it won’t accept the ruling. In recent weeks China has been urging other countries in Asia, and as far afield as Africa and Eastern Europe, to make public statements advocating bilateral negotiations over the South China Sea.

China has long favored bilateral talks, calculating that it is easier to cut deals with the individual claimants—the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan—which are dwarfed by Beijing militarily and economically.

The U.S., meanwhile, has been
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to the Philippines in recent weeks while encouraging allies and partners to criticize China’s island-building and urge Beijing to respect the outcome of The Hague tribunal.

Mr. Duterte has opened up a 10-point lead over his rivals for the presidency, according to recent polls, though political analysts in Manila say many voters haven’t decided who to back, making the final result hard to call. There is only one round of voting in Philippine elections, and in a close-fought election such as this victory could be secured with less than 30% of the vote. Confirmation of the result may take days or weeks, but the new president is expected to take office June 30.

While some analysts dismiss Mr. Duterte’s remarks on the South China Sea as sound-bite campaigning, others are less certain, and they say his position is causing concern among some foreign diplomats.

The comments “mark a major departure from the position of the incumbent administration,” said Richard Heydarian, a political scientist at De La Salle University in Manila who described the comments as “very significant”.

Although Mr. Duterte’s position on the South China Sea was unpopular in the Philippines, it isn’t affecting his polling numbers, and, if elected, he could treat The Hague verdict as an “expert opinion advisory” and legacy of the last administration, Mr. Heydarian said.

BTW, Ian Storey has CNAS (Center for a New American Century) ties and Richard Heydarian has CSIS ties (it's interesting that these connections are not mentioned in this article), so their comments are not surprising.

One of the co-founders of CNAS was Kurt Campbell, the US diplomat who 'negotiated' with China during the Scarborough Shoal incident.
 

confusion

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Registered Member
You're not going to get this from the WSJ, but this author does a good job of breaking down the US reasons for not signing UNCLOS and the inherent hypocrisy involved.

BTW, the US has the largest declared EEZ maritime territory of any nation in the world.

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by Ken Meyercord / May 4th, 2016

Critics of American foreign policy love to point out instances where our policy reeks of hypocrisy. No current issue in international affairs affords a better illustration of our inconsistent sanctimoniousness than the dispute over competing claims to insular territories (whether to call them “islands” or “rocks” is of great significance, as we shall see) in the South China Sea.

Symptomatic of our hypocrisy on this issue, we protest Chinese “aggressive” actions in the area by sailing the Seventh Fleet through the territorial waters of atolls turned into landing-strips to demonstrate our commitment to protecting freedom of navigation. Yet we refuse to sign the UN’s Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), the international effort to formalize the rules governing freedom of navigation on the high seas. The convention, which has been around since 1982, has been ratified by over 160 UN member states, including China, but not by the U.S. of A.

Opponents of the UNCLOS, like Senators Portman and Ayotte, contend that the convention infringes on US sovereignty, in particular with regard to its provision for international arbitration of disputes (keep that in mind when the Permanent Court of Arbitration rules on a suit brought by the Philippines over China’s claims in the South China Sea). But I believe the main reason for our unwillingness to ratify the UNCLOS lies elsewhere.

The convention makes a distinction between “islands”, which can support human habitation, and “rocks”, which cannot. The territorial waters around either type of sea-bound outcrop can be claimed up to 12-miles out, but a 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) can only be claimed around an island, not a rock.

We have a number of possessions in the Pacific, formally called US Minor Outlying Islands, around which we claim EEZs. Here’s a map showing them:

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Most of these possessions were acquired in the late 19th century under the Guano Islands Act of 1856. There was a gold rush, so to speak, for guano deposits at the time as the phosphate-rich bird poop was much sought after as a fertilizer. The act authorized any American captain who stumbled on an uninhabited, unclaimed island covered in guano to claim it in the name of the United States. Under the act dozens of islands came into America’s possession, most of which we gave up once an island had been stripped clean, literally. Currently, none of our outlying islands have permanent residents.

As can be seen, the EEZs around these outlying “islands” cover a sizeable area. In fact, the projection used causes the EEZs in the South Pacific to look smaller than they actually are compared to zones in more northern latitudes. Just one of the equatorial EEZs, that around the Howland and Baker Islands, is larger than the EEZ off the California coast.

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Under UNCLOS, many of these “islands” would be deemed mere rocks, not entitled to EEZs. The same is probably true of some of the “islands” in the Aleutian Islands chain. Hence, ratification of the Convention on the Law of the Sea would result in a significant diminution of our Exclusive Economic Zones, something our world-beaters are not likely to agree to readily.

Despite the rocky grounds for many of our own claims, we pooh-pooh Chinese claims based on similar grounds. I recently heard a former Deputy Under Secretary of Defense, Kathleen Hicks, belittle China’s claim to the Scarborough Shoal because it is almost underwater at high tide (see this
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at the 2:55:26 minute mark); yet we claim not only the territorial waters but also an EEZ around a reef in the Hawaiian Islands chain, Maro Reef, which is entirely submerged, even at LOW tide.

As mentioned previously, the Philippines has taken China to court over its claims in the South China Sea. The court in question, the Permanent Court of Arbitration, is often referred to in the press as a “UN tribunal” to give it greater cachet, but, in fact, it is not part of the UN, being a body created in 1899 when imperialism ruled the waves. No wonder China refuses to participate in the proceedings (a Palestinian in an Israeli court stands a better chance) and will no doubt ignore an adverse ruling. If so, you can count on our media howling about China flaunting the rule of law, how outraged the “the international community” (read “NATO”) is, and the like.

Perhaps some courageous, soon-to-be-unemployed journalist will be brave enough to point out that when Nicaragua took us before the International Court of Justice – an actual UN body – over our mining of their harbors and other offenses, we refused to participate in the proceedings, claiming the court did not have jurisdiction. When the court ruled against us, we blocked enforcement of the ruling through our veto in the Security Council. Embarrassingly, in light of current posturing, one of the charges levelled against us was interrupting peaceful maritime commerce – this by the self-proclaimed protector of freedom of navigation in the western Pacific.

To the uninformed (read “Kathleen Hicks”), it will seem obvious to whom sovereignty over the Scarborough Shoal belongs. Just look at how close they are to the Philippines and how far from China.

Ms. Hicks has probably never heard of Navassa Island, another Guano Islands Act possession of ours (see the map of US EEZs above). It lies far from our shores but just off the coast of Haiti, which also claims it. We’ve shown no willingness to give up the former El Dorado of avian defecation simply based on geography.

Similarly, when bemoaning how far China’s nine-dash-line delineating its claims in the South China Sea (shown as a solid red line above) extends from the Chinese mainland, we should consider what a line encompassing our own far-flung possessions would look like. Our line, like China’s, would reflect past naval exploits, not proximity to ours or someone else’s coast, and our line would extend much farther from our mainland than China’s does from theirs.

Adopting a conveniently faulty memory, we call for peaceful resolution of the disputes and require all disputants (read “China”) to refrain from aggressive actions, like populating disputed territories, but in 1935 we secretly started placing settlers on Howland, Baker, and Jarvis Islands, former Guano Islands Act possessions long forgotten and by then of lapsed and uncertain ownership. After a year of surreptitious colonizing, President Roosevelt revealed the sneaky scheme and proclaimed the islands American territory. That sort of behavior would not be condoned under the Convention on the Law of the Sea, another reason our wily buccaneers will not sign it.

Sen Ayotte is one of the most moderate Republican senators, so if she opposed signing UNCLOS, there's no chance that this will happen.
 

solarz

Brigadier
Looks like the WSJ is starting to get worried about the possible impacts on SCS strategy of a Duterte presidency - this article certain drops many hints that the multilateral approach is something that was pushed very strongly by the US:


BTW, Ian Storey has CNAS (Center for a New American Century) ties and Richard Heydarian has CSIS ties (it's interesting that these connections are not mentioned in this article), so their comments are not surprising.

One of the co-founders of CNAS was Kurt Campbell, the US diplomat who 'negotiated' with China during the Scarborough Shoal incident.

I think the real interesting part is that Duterte is the front-runner. This shows that maybe the majority of the PH people do not like their government's current approach to dealing with the SCS issue.

Although the article cites "experts" that doubt it, China will actually be quite approachable under bilateral talks.
 
interesting
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If ground forces are obsolete, why are the
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bothering to build all those artificial islands in the
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? The answer to that is key to the US Army’s emerging vision of its future role, a complex combination of old-fashioned close combat, resilient
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, and advanced
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that extend the Army’s reach well beyond the land.

China is “building land… to
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into the maritime and aerospace domains,” the Army’s chief futurist,
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, argued yesterday at the Center for Strategic & International Studies. Much like the Japanese in World War II, he said, the Chinese see island bases as a means to dominate the seas and airspace around them, allowing them to
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and
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. The Chinese strategy has only become more effective in the modern era with the proliferation of long-range precision-guided missiles.

The US Army needs to do as the Chinese have done, McMaster said. For decades, the Air Force and Navy have projected power onto the land to support the Army with
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,
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, and
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: Now the Army must develop the capability to project power “cross-domain” from the land into the air, sea, space, and cyberspace to support the Air Force and Navy.

Expanding Future Army Fires

For example, said McMaster, future US Army “fires” units must go beyond
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and use
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to engage distant targets on the land, in the air, and on the sea. The Army must also be able to provide its own fire support,
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, and
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, he said, rather than relying on hot and cold running airpower.

The Army can no longer count on
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to dominate the skies in the face of
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and
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. “I never had to look up, in my whole career, and say ‘Is it friendly or enemy?'” McMaster said. “We have to do that now.”

McMaster’s command, the Army Capabilities Integration Center (ARCIC) of the Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC), has run a long series of
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on future technologies, tactics, and organizations. “We look across all domains…air, land, sea, space, and cyber,” and bring in wargamers from the other services and allied nations, said Col. Wayne Grieme, chief of ARCIC’s Joint & Army Experimentation Division (JAED), in a call with reporters yesterday afternoon.

In these scenarios, said JAED’s chief scientist, Van Brewer, “the operationally significant impact of increased range [for weapons] really changes how the Army projects power — land, sea, air.”

But currently the US military doesn’t have any
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, I noted in the Q&A with McMaster. Meanwhile our land-based land-attack missiles are limited in range by the Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty, which
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and China never signed. How much of this vision can we make real?

“The physical fires part of it is not as hard as you think,” McMaster responded. “There might be ways to use existing systems in new ways.”

McMaster didn’t give specifics, but one example that
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and
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have enthused over is the
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. The HVP is a precision-guided shell that can be fired from traditional artillery and naval cannons to give vastly greater range against a wide variety of targets, including ships at sea and potentially even incoming cruise missiles. Carter and Work have also extolled how the Navy has
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to hit moving ships at sea, which could be a model for modifications for the Army’s ATACMS missile.

“What’s really powerful is
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from the Secretary of Defense and the Deputy Secretary,” said McMaster. “That’s galvanized action within the services and between the services.”

Making The “Battle Network” Actually Work

The crucial element of this vision isn’t any specific missile, McMaster said, but the
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that connects the different services so they can assist each other. “It’s about the information collection systems and analytical tools [to] fight effectively as a joint force,” he said.

Currently, for example, the Army is developing its
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so that any missile defense launcher — Patriot, THAAD, maybe future laser weapons — can engage targets using data from any radar. Meanwhile, the
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allows a ship to shoot an incoming missile or aircraft that its onboard radars can’t see, using targeting data from another vessel or a Navy airplane. But those networks are service-specific, not joint, and they’re designed for air and missile defense, not offensive warfare. The goal is a network so flexible and all-encompassing that, for example, a US or allied aircraft can spot an enemy ship, then pass the targeting information to a land-based missile battery to sink it.

An idealized “battle network” consists of three overlapping layers or “grids,”
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:

  • a “sensor grid” to perceive the battlespace with everything from radar satellites in space to infrared sensors on the ground;
  • a “C4I grid” (Command, Control, Communications, Computers, & Intelligence) to pull all the data together and make sense of it; and
  • an “effects grid” to reach out and touch the targets, whether with physical high explosive, laser beams, radio/radio jamming, cyber attack, or other means.
This isn’t some hypothetical future, Work said, but an imminent reality if the United States has to go up against an adversary like
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with the sophisticated layered defenses known as
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. “Anti-Access/Area Denial is shorthand for network on network warfare,” Work said. “It’s when your battle network collides against another one, both of them are able to fire guided munitions at advanced ranges, both of them are able to get a good sense on what’s happening in the environment, [and generally] anything that…can be seen can be hit.”

...
... goes on in the source (size-limit reached):
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ahojunk

Senior Member
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2016-05-04 08:58 | Xinhua | Editor: Gu Liping

Zhubi.渚碧礁.Subi.0.2016-04-05_lighthouse.jpg
Photo taken on April 5, 2016 shows the lighthouse on Zhubi Reef of Nansha Islands in the South China Sea, south China. (Xinhua file photo)

The Philippines has long pinned its hopes on the international community to woo sympathy for its groundless claim for some of China's islands in the South China Sea.

However, facts speak louder than words. The following are ironclad facts about Manila's notorious acts of illegal encroachment upon China's Nansha Islands.

Historically, the Philippine territory was defined and demarcated by a series of treaties, including the Treaty of Peace of Paris 1898 between the United States and Spain, the U.S.-Spanish Treaty of Washington of 1900, and the 1930 Convention regarding the Boundary between the Philippine Archipelago and the State of North Borneo between the United States and Britain.

All the above-mentioned treaties clearly indicate that the west boundary of the Philippine territory was 118 degrees east longitude. This borderline was recognized and reaffirmed by the 1935 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.

The Nansha Islands were not included nor recorded in any of the aforesaid treaties. But the Philippines began to covet those islands in the 1930s.

On Aug. 12, 1933, in a letter to the then U.S. governor of the Philippines, a former senator of the U.S.-ruled Philippine Islands attempted to claim that part of the Nansha Islands belonged to the Philippine territory on account of "geographical proximity."

However, the U.S. side rejected the Philippines' claims in August 1935, pointing out that there exists a geographical and natural separation between the Nansha Islands and the Palawan Island along with its affiliated islands.

The Nansha Islands are separated from the Philippine territory by the 1,300-2,600 meter deep Palawan Trench along the Palawan Passage.

Furthermore, before the United States took over the Philippines, Spain had never exercised sovereignty over, or made claims of sovereignty for, any of the Nansha Islands.

Nevertheless, the lack of the U.S. support did not discourage the Philippines from making further illegal attempts to encroach on the Chinese territories.

On July 23, 1946, Elpidio Quirino, then vice president and foreign minister of the Philippines, declared that "Shinnan Gunto" (the Nansha Islands) should be part of the Philippine territory as these islands were critical to its national security.

On May 17, 1950, Quirino, who was then Philippine president, restated that the Nansha Islands should belong to the nearest country, that is, the Philippines.

On March 1956, Tomas Cloma, owner of the Philippine Maritime Institute, led an expedition to the Nansha Islands. He claimed that these islands were "terra nullius," and even named them "Kalayaan."

Faced with a solemn representation from China, the Philippine side said that Cloma's personal action had nothing to do with the Philippine government and that it had no territorial claims for those islands.

Despite that, the Philippines has in fact never given up its attempts to challenge China's sovereignty over the Nansha Islands.

Since the 1970s, the Philippines has illegally occupied a number of maritime territories of China's Nansha Islands, including the Mahuan Dao, the Feixin Dao, the Nanyao Dao, the Zhongye Dao, the Xiyue Dao, the Beizi Dao, the Shuanghuang Shazhou and the Siling Jiao.

In order to continue expanding its territory and legalize its illegal actions, the Philippines has even made a series of preposterous claims such as "terra nullius," "geographical proximity" and "trust territory."

To sum up, what the Philippines has done runs totally contrary to historical facts, reality and international law.

Any attempt by the Philippines to negate China's sovereignty, rights and interests over the Nansha Islands will prove to be nothing but its own wishful thinking, and will end in failure.
 
according to New York Times A U.S. Admiral’s Bluntness Rattles China, and Washington
He has called
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,” accusing it of “
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” and “
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” the disputed waters of the Western Pacific. “You’d have to believe in a flat earth to think otherwise,” he said in one appearance before Congress.

These are the words of the American commander in charge of military operations in the Asia-Pacific region,
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, who has turned heads — and caused headaches — in Beijing as well as in Washington with language starker than any coming from his commander in chief, President Obama.

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makes no apologies for his candor, which has unsettled a more cautious White House. As China builds militarily fortified islands in the South China Sea, a strategic waterway long dominated by the United States, it is his job, he says, to talk to Congress, the American public and allies abroad about the threat.

“There is a natural tension between elements of the government and the chain of command, and I think it’s a healthy tension,” he said during an interview in his office, perched high above Pearl Harbor. “I’ve voiced my views in private meetings with our national command authorities. Some of my views are taken in; some are not.”

For the Chinese, Admiral Harris, 59, is not only a tough talker. He was born in Japan, the son of a Japanese mother and an American father who was a chief petty officer in the American Navy. The Chinese have zeroed in on his ethnicity as a mode of attack.

“Some may say an overemphasis on the Japanese background about an American general is a bit unkind,” Xinhua, the official Chinese news agency, wrote. “But to understand the American’s sudden upgraded offensive in the South China Sea, it is simply impossible to ignore Admiral Harris’s blood, background, political inclination and values.”

The derogatory comments had two goals, the admiral said. First, they were meant to show that the Pacific Command was “disconnected from the rest of government,” an idea that was “completely untrue.”

Second, they seemed intended to tarnish him. “You know when I am described as a Japanese admiral it’s not true. I am not sure why they have to have an adjective in front of admiral.”

When his family moved back to rural Tennessee, his mother refused to teach him Japanese, insisting that her son was 100 percent American. In that vein, the admiral does not make much of the fact that he is the first Asian-American to be appointed a combatant commander.

That insistence on his American identity makes the Chinese comments particularly galling to him. “In some respects, they try to demonize me, and that’s really ugly,” he said. “I think in a lot of ways the communications that come out of the Chinese public affairs organ, they are tone deaf and insulting.”

A United Nations tribunal in The Hague is expected to rule soon on a case brought by the Philippines that could make China’s recent fortifications on islands in the South China Sea illegal. The panel could declare Beijing’s claim over most of the South China Sea, which stretches from the coast of China to the beaches of Southeast Asian nations, invalid.

The decision is widely expected to be unfavorable for Beijing, with potentially sharp consequences for the increasingly brittle relationship between China and the United States.

How boldly China reacts to the ruling is a major concern for Admiral Harris, whose task is to recommend military options should China push forward, either in the short or longer term, with its efforts to control a waterway through which trillions of dollars in trade, including oil and gas, passes every year.

Chinese military commentators have said China plans to make the
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, an atoll Beijing grabbed from the Philippines four years ago, into a fortress. Only 120 miles from the Philippine coast, it would be a potential threat to an American ally. Beijing could also declare an air defense zone over parts of the South China Sea, forcing civilian airliners to make long and expensive detours to avoid risking encounters with the Chinese Air Force.

The stakes are so high that Mr. Obama warned the Chinese leader, Xi Jinping, during their recent meeting in Washington not to move on the Scarborough Shoal or invoke an air defense zone, said an American official who was briefed on the details of the encounter and spoke anonymously because of the diplomatic sensitivities.

Neither side wants conflict over specks in the sea. But the possibility has to be considered, and Scarborough Shoal is now the place Pentagon officials say the United States might take a stand.

The chairman of the
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, Gen. Joseph F. Dunford Jr., recently asked Admiral Harris just that question. In a conversation overheard by a reporter while the two men chatted at the Pentagon, the admiral’s answer was indistinct.

Asked later — war or not over the Scarborough Shoal — the admiral chuckled.

“It is good that my voice is low,” he said, popping a Coca-Cola as he sat on a couch in his expansive office. “I will say I’m a military guy. I look through the lenses darkly, and that’s what I’m paid to do.”

To defend American interests, he said, “I have to do it with the tools I have, and they are military tools, and they are great tools.”

“In the China piece, we just have to be ready for all outcomes from a position of strength,” Admiral Harris said, “all outcomes whether it is Scarborough,
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in general, or some cyberattack.”

He said he was worried not so much about miscalculations in the South China Sea between the Chinese military and the forces of other countries. “I view them as a professional military.” The bigger risk, he said, is a clash caused by China’s paramilitary ships that could bring American forces to bear in defense of American allies.

The job of a United States combatant commander — there are nine across the globe — is to serve as soldier, diplomat and an advocate of his theater to just two bosses, the president and the defense secretary.

The admiral has added another facet to his job: communicator, an unusual objective for a military leader. In his “commander’s intent,” a document he drew up last year describing his goals, he wrote, “We must communicate clearly with key audiences, including allies, partners and potential adversaries.”

Wherever he goes, he points out that his responsibilities cover not just China but also North Korea, a pressing current danger, and beyond. “From Bollywood to Hollywood, from polar bears to penguins,” is how he puts it.

He recently carried his message to New York City, speaking to 30 members of the Council on Foreign Relations. He met with Henry A. Kissinger (and whipped out a first edition of Mr. Kissinger’s “Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy” for an autograph).

Then it was on to Malaysia to fly in an American P-8 spy plane with Malaysian defense officials, a trip intended to persuade that country to align more closely in the South China Sea dispute with the United States over its chief economic benefactor, China.

After graduation from the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis, Md., Admiral Harris trained as a naval flight officer. In 1991, he flew over the Persian Gulf during a naval war in which the United States sank the Iraqi Navy in 48 hours.

Although most of the admiral’s assignments have been in Asia, he has made some detours.

About a decade ago, he served as the commander at Guantánamo Bay. He studied the ethics of war at Oxford. Then came a posting as the military adviser to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, when he monitored the “road map” for the final status accord between Israel and the
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.

“Harry — Thanks for traveling the world with me — Hillary” reads a handwritten note on a photograph of the two of them that hangs on a wall in his office.

A wall map of the South China Sea sprinkled with islands hangs to the left of his desk. Black circles show the three artificial islands in the Spratly archipelago where the Chinese have built military-capable airstrips and other assets. Admiral Harris refers to those islands as Chinese bases.

Behind his desk, bookshelves are stacked with accounts of world affairs. “In reading history, it is those countries with militaries who are prepared and ready that fare much better than countries that have no militaries and aren’t,” he said.

...
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according to New York Times A U.S. Admiral’s Bluntness Rattles China, and Washington

...
while
U.S. Navy command ship drops anchor in Shanghai
just one quote from it:
“The more Blue Ridge works with the PLA(N), the better we will get to know each other and that will increase mutual understandings and decrease tensions. In turn we can become better partners,” he said.
"he" being
Capt. Matt Paradise, Blue Ridge’s commanding officer
source:
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solarz

Brigadier
Sounds like the US is really fearing a Duterte takeover, judging from this one-sided report, which, among other things, portrays Aquino as a guardian of democracy:

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MANILA, Philippines -- A brash mayor known for sex jokes and a pledge to end crime within six months -- by killing suspected criminals if necessary -- strongly led an unofficial vote count in Monday's Philippine presidential election, while the son of late dictator Ferdinand Marcos led in the vice-presidential race.

Mayor Rodrigo Duterte reached out to his opponents following a bruising three-month campaign in which President Benigno Aquino III led efforts to discourage Filipinos from voting for him due to fears the mayor may endanger the country's hard-fought democracy.

"Let us be friends," Duterte said in a news conference after voting in southern Davao city. "Let us begin the process of healing."

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Filipino voters check the voters' list as they queue up to vote for the country's presidential elections at the front-running presidential candidate Mayor Rodrigo Duterte's hometown of Davao city in southern Philippines on Monday, May 9, 2016. (AP / Bullit Marquez)

In the unofficial count based on partial results transmitted electronically from voting centres nationwide, Duterte had more than 12.2 million votes, followed by Interior Secretary Mar Roxas with 7.0 million. Sen. Grace Poe had 6.9 million votes, and Vice-President Jejomar Binay was next with 4.1 million.

Sen. Ferdinand Marcos Jr. led with 11.1 million votes in an unofficial count of the vice-presidential race, followed by Rep. Leni Robredo, who had 10.4 million.

Vice presidents are elected separately from presidents in the Philippines.

"I am feeling that by all indications we should be successful today," Marcos said in a statement.

Aquino, the son of democracy champions who fought Marcos' dictator father, also campaigned against Marcos Jr., who has never clearly apologized for economic plunder and widespread human rights abuses that occurred under his father.

Weary of poverty, crime, corruption and insurgencies in the hinterlands, voters looked for radical change at the top.

Duterte, a 71-year-old former prosecutor, has peppered his campaign speeches with boasts about his Viagra-fueled sexual prowess and jokes about rape. But he also successfully tapped into the discontent, and many voters overlooked his unashamedly crude language.

"All of you who are into drugs, you sons of bitches, I will really kill you," Duterte told a huge, cheering crowd Saturday in his final campaign rally in Manila. "I have no patience, I have no middle ground, either you kill me or I will kill you idiots." Statements such as those have won him the nickname "Duterte Harry," a reference to the Clint Eastwood movie character "Dirty Harry" who had little regard for rules.

Duterte, who has been compared to U.S. Republican presumptive presidential nominee Donald Trump, threatened during the campaign to close down the Philippine Congress and form a revolutionary government if legislators stonewall his government.

That has alarmed the political establishment, which fears Duterte will squander the hard-won economic progress under Aquino. Aquino has called Duterte a threat to democracy, and likened him to Adolf Hitler.

Aside from the presidential and vice-presidential races, more than 45,000 candidates contested 18,000 national, congressional and local positions in elections that have traditionally been tainted by violence and accusations of cheating.

Duterte said he was satisfied with the conduct of the balloting. "So, far I have not received any reports of cheating and violation," he said.

At least 15 people were killed in election-related violence and more than 4,000 arrested for violating a gun ban, according to police.

About 55 million Filipinos registered to vote at 36,000 polling places across the archipelago of more than 7,100 islands, including in a small fishing village in a Philippine-occupied island in the disputed South China Sea.

In final campaigning Saturday, Aquino warned voters that Duterte could be a dictator in the making and urged them not to support him.

Filipinos have been hypersensitive to potential threats to democracy since they rose in a 1986 "people power" revolt that ousted Ferdinand Marcos.

On the campaign trail, Duterte offered radical promises, including his bold anti-crime pledge and a plan to sail to China's new artificial islands in the South China Sea and plant the Philippine flag there. The other candidates stuck to less audacious reforms.

Duterte's opponents have all accused him of making remarks that threaten the rule of law and democracy.

Financial market analysts are predicting that a Duterte win would weaken the Philippine peso given his uncertain economic platform.

The jitters have affected the Philippine stock market, which fell Friday -- the last day of trading before Monday's election holiday -- for the 10th time in 11 days.

"The market is obviously emotional and the stronger emotion is usually fear rather than hope," said Jose Vistan, research head at AB Capital Securities Inc. "A big chunk of the reason why we're behaving the way we are is obviously because of the elections."

"Duterte is completely out of the system, he's out of the box," said political science Prof. Richard Heydarian of De La Salle University in Manila, adding that in the mayor's portrayal of social problems, "there is a gap between the rhetoric and reality but it's working, it's creating panic among a lot of people and rallying them behind Duterte."

Duterte built a political name with his iron-fist approach to fighting crime in Davao, where he has served as mayor for 22 years. Human rights groups accuse him of carrying out extrajudicial killings to fight crime. During the campaign he joked about wanting to be the first person to rape an Australian missionary who was sexually abused and killed by inmates in a 1989 prison riot.

Aquino has a mixed record in his six-year term, which ends in June. He presided over an accelerating economy, which recorded one of the highest growth rates in Asia at an average of 6.2 per cent between 2010 and 2015. He also introduced new taxes, more accountability and reforms, including in the judiciary, and cracked down on tax evaders.

But more than a quarter of the Philippines' 100 million people remain mired in poverty, inequality is rampant and an immediate solution to decades-long Muslim and communist insurgencies in the south remains elusive.

Annual debt payments, some dating back to the Marcos years, and limited funds stymie infrastructure improvements and public services, including law enforcement, fueling frequent complaints.

Associated Press photographer Alberto "Bullit" Marquez in Davao, Philippines, contributed to this report
 

confusion

Junior Member
Registered Member
Aquino-linked Roxas aside, all of the other candidates were more willing to work with China, so it's not surprising that China was okay with any of the three other major candidates.

Seems that Duterte has also threatened to file charges of treason against Aquino for his handling of the Scarborough Shoal incident.
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PUBLISHED : Monday, 09 May, 2016, 9:49pm
UPDATED : Monday, 09 May, 2016, 9:49pm

Beijing’s assertiveness in the South China Sea and Philippines security has dominated foreign policy discussion among the leading candidates for president. And that’s why Beijing’s diplomats have been keen to hold talks with them.

“The Chinese Embassy [in Manila] has talked to all the presidential candidates, in the same way that the United States Embassy has always reached out to them,” Ramon Casiple, executive director of the Institute of Political and Electoral Reforms explained.

Casiple was of the opinion that of the top four candidates “all, except one would be welcome to China”.

Welcome he said, would be front runner Davao mayor Rodrigo Duterte, Senator Grace Poe and Jejo-mar Binay, the country’s current vice- president. The man who would be persona non grata would be Mar Roxas, President Benigno Aquino’s chosen successor.

Calls to the Chinese Embassy in Manila for comment went unanswered yesterday.

Aquino’s government has angered China by indirectly challenging its claims at the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague. China has refused to recognise the court’s authority or abide by the ruling, which is expected soon.

Roxas aside, the three other candidates have all said they would be open to bilateral negotiations with China on the issue. This marks a departure from Aquino’s multilateral negotiations policy.

Roxas said he would stick to that strategy.

When Aquino won the presidency in 2010, then-Chinese ambassador Liu Jianchao was among the first foreign envoys to congratulate him. But Casiple noted that this time, China’s interest in the outcome of the election is even keener.

And the candidate who appears to be most accommodating to China is Duterte, the tough-talking mayor of Davao City.

He said recently: “We cannot defeat you [China]. We will be pulverised if we go to war.” So, instead, Duterte suggested: “Let us do it joint [oil and gas] exploration.”

But he also boldly suggested he could ride a jet ski out to one of China’s new island airfields and plant the Philippines flag – a move that would not go down well with Beijing.

“If worse comes to worst, I will not waste the lives of Filipino soldiers,” Duterte promised. “I will go to the boundary line, myself; maybe have someone take me there, and I will go there on my own with a jet ski, bringing along with me a flag and a pole and once I disembark, I will plant the flag on the runway and tell the Chinese authorities: ‘Kill me.’ Don’t kill the soldiers.”

China has been constructing man-made islands and reefs in the South China Sea, complete with airstrips and docking facilities, and many worry that Beijing will soon start construction work at a new location, the Scarborough Shoal.

Last weekend, Duterte accused Aquino and ally Senator Antonio Trillanes of committing treason when Aquino intervened in attempts by a retired military officer to occupy the shoal in 2012 in favour of back channel talks with China involving Trillanes.

“After the 16 trips [by Trillanes], China started to construct [on the Scarborough Shoal],” Duterte said.

Duterte’s allies filed treason and espionage charges against both Aquino and Trillanes before the Office of the Ombudsman last Friday.
 

confusion

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Registered Member
More illegal fishing by Vietnamese fishermen, this time around Pratas Islands.
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2016/05/09 19:22:18
201605090016t0001.jpg

The blue dots southwest of Taiwan indicate locations of the reported vietnamese ships. (Photo courtesy of the Liuchiu Fishermen's Association)
Taipei, May 9 (CNA) Skippers of several Taiwanese fishing boats have urged the government to crack down on Vietnamese fishing boats they said Monday were operating in Taiwan's exclusive economic zone off the Pratas Islands in the South China Sea.

Several fishing boats registered in Pingtung County said they saw Vietnamese fishing vessels operating in waters east and northeast of the Pratas Islands on Sunday at a latitude of roughly 21 degrees north and a longitude of about 119 degrees east.

Another Vietnamese ship was spotted well south of the Pratas Islands, according to the fishermen.

The Liuchiu Fishermen's Association notified the Coast Guard Administration and the Fisheries Agency of the situation.

The CGA said it would make the waters a priority area to protect but will not send ships there for the time being because large patrol vessels are now in waters between Taiwan and the Philippines and near Japan-controlled Okinotori atoll in the West Pacific.

Taiwanese fishermen are already in a difficult situation, complained Tsai Pao-hsing (蔡寶興), secretary-general of the Liuchiu Fishermen's Association.

He said they face seizure if operating in waters off the Okinotori atoll and cannot operate in the overlapping sections of Taiwan and the Philippines' exclusive economic zones, and worried that the situation will only get worse if Taiwan's own economic zone is being encroached upon.

The Pratas Islands, also known as the Dongsha Islands, are controlled by Taiwan but also claimed by China. The main island is one of the biggest in the South China Sea and has been designated as a national park by Taiwan's government.

A Taiwanese fishing boat, the "Tung Sheng Chi No. 16," was seized on April 25 by the Japan Coast Guard while operating in waters some 150 nautical miles from Okinotori.

The boat and its crew were released on April 26 only after the owner of the boat paid 6 million Japanese yen (US$54,442) as a security deposit demanded by Japanese authorities, pending legal procedures.

Japan claims a 200-nautical-mile exclusive economic zone around the tiny atoll, but Taiwan argues that Okinotori is a reef rather than an island -- as Japan defines it -- and is therefore not entitled to anything more than a 500-meter "security zone."
 
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