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Noted but as I explained it has to be understood in the context our respective political philosophy.
If your original statement of the US involvement is not meant as a disqualifier we can move on.
Agree
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At face value and up to a point your argument would be a reasonable position. However when there are also a set of dynamics that are continuously introduced over time into the equation then that initial bilateral model has gone past its used by date. Isn’t that political realism?
Frankly each claimant would have some basis from which it would be arguing from. Arbitration in my view is still the best solution when all the facts and legal positions can be thrown into the equation where comparative judgement can be made.
The problem is that China is not maintaining status quo but changing the status quo.
So far the US is very restrained with its actions. I can’t say the same with the Chinese actions. Any move on Scarborough by the Chinese in my view will be a game changer. If the US do not react to such potentially provocative action I think the US would lose all credibility in the region.
If I am not mistaken, the Tribunal has already set a critical date due to the Philippines submission before it. All the reclamation of land by the Chinese are before the critical date and so whatever reclamation effort does not reinforce the Chinese legal position.
Lastly I will quote another conversation you (#1076) and I had where I earlier explained my view on the basis of Chinese actions in the SCS & ECS. Overall I think I've been very upfront in sharing my thoughts with you on the subject and I don't see myself as having avoided anything.
Noted but as I explained it has to be understood in the context our respective political philosophy.
My statement on US involvement is not contradictory in the slightest, and the wording of this response from you again encourages me to request you carefully read what I have written. I will further explain:
You are correct that my premise is that each nation will pursue its own national interests as primacy. There is nothing selective about it. My original statement does not qualify US interests as less or greater than any other party, it simply notes US presence in region as being to its own security interests while also possibly being to the benefit of others and to the detriment of China. The rest you have inserted yourself.
If your original statement of the US involvement is not meant as a disqualifier we can move on.
As I said above, Political Realism is not an ideology that nations follow. It is framework to best explain and predict geopolitical events. The problem you point out is not of my advocacy but with the nature of real world political dealings between powers. Its not idealistic. Mutually Assured Destruction has been a large part of that real world dynamic for sometime now. And I agree; where you said you saw issue with Chinese activities my reply was that I see the entire regional dynamic as being a problem.
Agree
My comment re Internationalisation creating a greater danger was a simple one so perhaps I should briefly elaborate. Bilateral negotiation deals with the interests of the two parties and provides the least complicated path to resolution. Internationalisation can introduce other regional actors and extra-regional actors into the calculation with their own set of interests at play, changing the weight of leverage between parties, increasing the scope of the negotiation and introducing a new degree of public scrutiny whereby disagreement and debate reaches an international audience and issues of perception and national face-saving become a greater concern. Complexity affords greater odds of miscalculation all around, is my point.
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At face value and up to a point your argument would be a reasonable position. However when there are also a set of dynamics that are continuously introduced over time into the equation then that initial bilateral model has gone past its used by date. Isn’t that political realism?
Some of those claims don't just rest on Discovery however, I believe there are also claims of possession pre-WW2 with supporting documents/notes and those would be the strongest. But I keep coming back to the primacy of possession and I do not see any of the parties giving up territory unless some island swap or security and resource sharing agreement was achieved. It is status quo for territorial possession until then.
Frankly each claimant would have some basis from which it would be arguing from. Arbitration in my view is still the best solution when all the facts and legal positions can be thrown into the equation where comparative judgement can be made.
The problem is that China is not maintaining status quo but changing the status quo.
I do not see China or the US initiating hostilities due to the escalation path and associated risk vs benefit. Where I see danger is a smaller actor like PH coming to a different calculation due to perceived support from the US, China responding and then the US. You had a bit about how WW2 got started but treaties being called into effect like dominos falling is exactly how WW1 began. For all their bluster however, US & Chinese officials are well aware of the risks.
So far the US is very restrained with its actions. I can’t say the same with the Chinese actions. Any move on Scarborough by the Chinese in my view will be a game changer. If the US do not react to such potentially provocative action I think the US would lose all credibility in the region.
Critical Date is not a 'best before' limitation to a dispute is the largest take away from my readings. The Critical Date is determined by an arbiter based on historical evidence of title from the two parties. There is no set criteria or statute of limits which is why I observed this feature of law neither helping or hindering China or another claimant. It rests on the historical evidence provided and the decision of an arbiter to choose a date.
If I am not mistaken, the Tribunal has already set a critical date due to the Philippines submission before it. All the reclamation of land by the Chinese are before the critical date and so whatever reclamation effort does not reinforce the Chinese legal position.