Indian Military News, Reports, Data, etc.

HMS Astute

Junior Member
India ready to cancel Rafale, if France refuses to supply Mistral

India has said it will cancel a signed contract in early September with Dassault for the supply of 126 "the Rafael sales ' worth from 20 to 22 billion dollars, if France refuses to supply" Mistral " to Russia.

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A Bar Brother

Junior Member
well, because India buy most weapons overseas, so converted to US$ is the way to go ... for China, actually in Yuan is more reasonable as China produce most of weapon systems in China and the salary of soldiers is in Yuan as well

As already mentioned before, a huge chunk of the imported stuff is manufactured in India, using INR, not dollars. The capital budget for procurement is 40% of the actual budget and not all of that is imports. The foreign exchange component is very small compared to the entire budget.
 

aksha

Captain
INS Vikramaditya completes a year with the Indian Navy
November 25, 2014 Alexander Yemelyanenkov, specially for RIR

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It’s been over a year since the INS Vikramaditya was handed over to the Indian Navy.

Recently, specialists from Rosoboronexport and Russian equipment suppliers inspected the flagship Indian aircraft carrier as a part of the warranty agreement.

According to Sergey Marichev, Deputy Director General of the defense shipyard Sevmash, where the carrier has been substantially re-born, the Indian Navy has been using the ship intensively for the entire year. It spent more than 220 days at sea. “And that's more than the aircraft carrier spent in the Northern Seas on factory tests in two years,” the Severodvinsk shipyard said in a press note.


Since the official transfer of Vikramaditya, several Indian leaders have the visited the ship, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi. In the presence of distinguished guests, and in a conventional setting, the MiG-26 K/KUBs have carried out 240 takeoffs and landings. As a result, the Indian pilots under the supervision of the MiG Corp completed the entire training program, including the preparation for independent night flights.

During the whole time, the aircraft carrier had aboard a guarantee group of Sevmash specialists, who provided technical advice when needed and responded promptly to one or the other difficulty related to operating systems and mechanisms. The one-year warranty service expired on November 16th. But even before the expiration, the Indian side expressed the desire to extend the business relationship with the Russian shipyard and to agree on the service support for the aircraft carrier for its entire life cycle, which is at least 20 years.

Russian shipbuilders and representatives of the Indian Defence Ministry are meeting in New Delhi this week to discuss the details of the carrier's after-sales service. And in late November, Vikramaditya will be put to sea again in order to continue flying aircraft in low visibility conditions.

Remembering Admiral Gorshkov

At sea, the Indian sailors and the airmen of the carrier-based aircraft will be accompanied by a Russian friend.

Before the ship was sent to its current post of service, on one of its decks the craftsmen of Sevmash constructed a museum cabin, with exhibits that describe the design, the construction and the military service of the ship as part of the Soviet Navy, followed by the transformation of the cruiser into a modern aircraft carrier.

In the centre of the memorial exhibition, next to the St. Andrew's flag and the banner of the Russian Navy, there is a recognizable bust of Admiral Gorshkov. “In India, he is remembered and respected,” said Commodore Suraj Berry. “That's why we gladly accepted such a gift to the crew and we will look after it.”
inShare
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she is ready.
 

aksha

Captain
Indian Heron UAV crashes in Bhuj, Gujarat. source livefist
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aksha

Captain
Sonar contract provides major boost to navy
On November 12, without announcement or fanfare, the ministry of defence (MoD) signed a small contract with enormous implications for itself and the Indian Navy. This formalised the purchase of six advanced towed array sonar (ATAS) systems from Atlas Elektronik, the German naval systems giant, for just under Euro 40 million (Rs 306 crore).

These ATAS systems will equip three Talwar-class frigates (INS Talwar, Trishul and Tabar) and three Delhi-class destroyers (INS Delhi, Mumbai and Mysore), allowing them to detect enemy submarines in the Arabian Sea, where the warm, shallow waters confound conventional hull-mounted sonars.

Without ATAS, all the warships the navy has built and bought since the 1990s - each costing a few thousand crores and crewed by a couple of hundred sailors - would be sitting ducks in war. Enemy submarines, lurking unseen 50-80 kilometres away, could leisurely torpedo Indian warships.

All that protects India's 25 latest frontline warships from enemy submarines is a relatively ineffective Passive Towed Array Sonar (PTAS), and an indigenous hull-mounted sonar called HUMSA.

So important is the ATAS contract that the MoD abandoned even the pretence of indigenisation. Atlas Elektronik will build all six ATAS systems in Germany, and has been exempted from offsets.

ATAS is especially vital in the Arabian Sea. Warships detect underwater objects (like submarines) with sonar - a "ping" of sound emitted into the water that reflects from submarines, just as radar bounces back from aircraft. In our warm, shallow waters, the returning signal often gets lost. Since the water is warm on the surface and cools rapidly as one goes deeper, the sharp "temperature gradient" refracts sonar waves, bending them away from the warship's sensors. Unable to receive the returning signal, the warship cannot detect the submarine.

ATAS overcomes the "temperature gradient", since it is towed by a cable that extends deep below the surface, into the cooler layers where submarines lurk. With the sensors themselves in the colder water layers, there is no "temperature differential". Even the faintest return signal from a submarine is detected.

The navy will fit ATAS externally onto the rear of its warships, which have been built for this reason with an empty compartment at the rear.

With this contract, Atlas Elektronik has taken pole position for supplying the navy a range of high-end sonars. Bharat Electronics Ltd (BEL), which is required to build ten ATAS with foreign partnership, has been encouraged by the navy to tie up with Atlas so that sonar equipment is standardised across warships.

BEL is learnt to be in discussions with Atlas for building ten ATAS for three Shivalik-class frigates (INS Shivalik, Satpura and Sahyadri), three Kolkata-class destroyers (Kolkata, Kochi and Chennai), and four Kamorta-class anti-submarine corvettes (INS Kamorta, Kadmatt, Kiltan and Kavaratti).

That leaves 20 warships that will remain in naval service for some years. These include: three aircraft carriers (INS Vikramaditya, Vikrant and Vishal); three Brahmaputra class frigates (INS Brahmaputra, Betwa and Beas); three Talwar-class follow-on frigates (INS Teg, Tarkash and Trikand); four Project 15-B destroyers (unnamed, under construction); and seven Project 17-A frigates (unnamed, contract being negotiated).

Given its first-mover advantage, the infrastructure and partnerships it will build and its already demonstrated price advantage, Atlas hopes to supply sonar systems for these and for other smaller surface warships and submarines. In April, the MoD tendered for 16 Anti Submarine Warfare Shallow Water Craft (ASWC), which need sophisticated sonar with electronically controlled beams.

Atlas Elektronik sources say they are eager to establish a joint venture company with either BEL or an Indian private sector company to build sonars in India. That would grant majority ownership of 51 per cent to the Indian entity.

ATAS import has been blocked since the mid-1990s because the Defence R&D Organisation (DRDO) was developing an indigenous ATAS called Nagan. In 2012, the Nagan project was officially shut down and work began on another system called ALTAS. With this making slow progress, the DRDO finally okayed import.

In November 2012, two years ago, Atlas was declared the lowest bidder. That was followed by a string of complaints to the MoD against Atlas, apparently motivated, since the MoD found no wrongdoing. Even so, with the ministry painstakingly investigating every complaint, each caused a 3-4 month delay. Earlier this year, with the elections impending, the United Progressive Alliance decided to leave the signing to the next government. Atlas Elektronik is owned 51 per cent by Krauss-Maffei Wegmann GmbH (KMW) and 49 per cent by Airbus Defence & Space.
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aksha

Captain
NOTE: the foll.news is google translated
- We do not have with Indian counterparts some disagreement about the stakes. Today we envisage that as part of this project, the parties will be fifty-fifty. The division of work due to contractual obligations. FGFA program is well advanced in the framework of the Russian-Indian intergovernmental agreement and the contract for this project. The first stage has already been completed, we are now preparing for the detailed design.

During the implementation of the program raises some questions, all this takes time and appropriate procedures for coordination at the level of the two governments.

Speaking of cooperation with India, it is important to realize that we are forming unique in world aviation parity long-term cooperation program with reference to specific products. This unprecedented technological cooperation projects that reflect our strategy to gain a leading position in the world market in all key segments of the aircraft.
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can't wait to see the first FGFA prototype,heres a concept art.must wait until 2016 for it.
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FORBIN

Lieutenant General
Registered Member
India ready to cancel Rafale, if France refuses to supply Mistral

India has said it will cancel a signed contract in early September with Dassault for the supply of 126 "the Rafael sales ' worth from 20 to 22 billion dollars, if France refuses to supply" Mistral " to Russia.

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Wow ! no good price, very far, about 10 billion dollars.
 

delft

Brigadier
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Ambassador Bhadrakumar's comments on such Western articles:
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Russia tops Obama’s hit list, not China

The India-Russia annual summitry had lately become a tepid affair — something like the anniversary of a boring marriage. How often can an aged couple arouse passion? But the upcoming event bringing President Vladimir Putin to Delhi next month promises to be exciting. Geopolitics may act like an aphrodisiac.
The time-tested relationship is coming under a rare challenge. A rank outsider threatens to barge into it and throw garbage at it no sooner than Putin returns to Moscow.
The pundits in India do not realize the sheer depth of the US president Barack Obama’s visceral dislike of Putin. It is an animosity felt in the blood and felt along the heart that the usually laid-back president can barely conceal, as the G20 at Brisbane revealed.
The general drift of the discourses by Indian pundits is that Obama’s forthcoming visit to India In January will be about cementing a US-Indian partnership in the ‘Indo-Pacific’. It may be true insofar as the US aspires to get India on board as a fellow-traveller (”lynchpin”) in its ‘pivot’ strategy in Asia.
Nonetheless, make no mistake that it is actually Russia today that tops Obama’s hit list — and not China. The Washington Post carried a fascinating opinion piece recently authored by two prominent American pundits who were evaluating how Obama could tackle the two troublesome emerging powers, Russia and China, that threaten the US’ global hegemony. Their conclusion?
They wrote: “The good news is that, unlike Putin’s Russia, China is not committed or destined to a revisionist path. President Obama’s trip to Beijing this month demonstrated that it is possible to steer the relationship with China toward a more stable course.”
Indeed, the heart of the matter is that Russia poses a challenge to the US’s global standing in a way that China does not and cannot for a foreseeable future.
At the end of the day, Moscow is the only power on the planet that has the capability to negotiate the global strategic balance with the US. China simply lacks that strategic prowess for one or two generations to come.
The US undersecretary for arms control and international security Rose Gottemoeller stated in a speech in Romania last Tuesday that Russia has more anti-ballistic missile interceptors than the US. She claimed Russia has 68 interceptors at the Moscow Anti-Missile Ballistic System (which is 24 more than the 30 interceptors currently deployed by the US in Alaska plus the 14 more that it plans to deploy.)
The raison d’etre of the relentless containment strategy toward Russia pursued by successive US administrations, therefore, needs to be put in perspective.
The huge strategic backdrop to the Russian-American rivalry has never really been in doubt for close observers of that relationship through the past decade and more, as it picked momentum through the ‘color revolutions’ in Georgia and Ukraine in the early part of the last decade, through Georgia’s war with Russia in 2008 and in the present Ukraine conflict. (See a hard-hitting Heritage Foundation paper dated March 2009 titled How the Obama Should Deal with Russia’s Revisionist Foreign Policy.)
The differentiated approach toward Russia and China on the part of the Obama administration is at once apparent. While the US is piling sanctions on Russia with a view to weaken its economy and force it to curtail its defence budget (which registered a 31 percent increase in the five-year period from 2008 thanks to the boom in the Russian economy), Obama had a most productive visit to China recently.
The qualitative upgrade of the Sino-American relationship is apparent from the White House readout detailing the outcome of Obama’s visit to Beijing. It should come as an eyeopener that the readout says, inter alia:
“The United States and China commit to work together in support of a shared vision for Afghanistan: a democratic, sovereign, unified, and secure nation. Together with Afghanistan, the United States and China agreed to convene a US-China-Afghanistan dialogue to advance this vision. The US and China agree to work together to support Afghanistan’s government of national unity, security forces, and economic development, so that Afghanistan cannot be used as a safe haven for terrorists. They agree to support and Afghan-led, Afghan-owned process of peace and reconciliation… they also commit to each support economic development projects and frameworks to foster Afghanistan’s regional integration and build government capacity.” [Emphasis added.]
In sum, the US is courting China as partner in the first circle of its strategies in Central and South Asia. Again, while the US has no worthwhile economic relationship with Russia, the Sino-American partnership is one of profound interdependency where each side has become a stakeholder in the other’s economic welfare.
Indeed, the US agenda to ‘isolate’ Russia can never work. Russia has been and still remains an avid ‘globalizer’. Its agenda of Eurasian integration is steadily advancing and is attracting worldwide interest. Around 40 states have officially sought free trade agreements with the Eurasian Economic Union.
Nor is the world caught up in a rift of competing ideologies today. Russia too belongs to the capitalist world. Hardly anyone outside the western world is in a mood to listen to the US, including even the close allies like Israel or Turkey.
Ironically, the Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal Al-Saud visited Moscow last week to discuss with Russia the state of confusion in the oil market due to the fall in oil prices.
As Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov put it, here, the two countries “see eye to eye” by agreeing on the need to keep a balance between supply and demand and to reject any “political or geopolitical factors impacting the market.” And this just before the crucial OPEC meet due in London on Thursday (which is expected to discuss cuts in oil production.)
Having said that, India is not like Saudi Arabia or Israel, which became Russia’s interlocutors only in the post-Cold Ware era. India, on the contrary, is one of Russia’s oldest and closest friends in modern history. Any erosion of that relationship would have a deleterious effect on both in strategic terms.
It is not so much the content of that relationship that matters as the relationship itself. Speaking of India, the relationship with Russia provided the anchor sheet of the country’s strategic autonomy for the past six to seven decades.
India diminishes without that anchor sheet — its capacity to maneuver shrinks, its ability to develop options gets affected, its confidence about an absolute certainty to fall back in an increasingly volatile international environment gets shaken. Suffice it to say, Russia is irreplaceable in India’s strategic matrix.
On the contrary, the US strategy toward India has consistently aimed at weakening the latter’s fixation over strategic autonomy (which has been the stumbling block in shepherding India into a US-led regional alliance system).
The concerted assault on India’s policy of ‘non-alignment’, the debunking of Jawaharlal Nehru’s foreign policies or the flattering talk pandering to India’s great-power vanities have only served this American objective.
No doubt, an erosion of Indian-Russian ties will serve the US’s business interests, too. Firstly, India is still Russia’s number one market for arms exports. By rolling back the Russian presence, a significant source of income for Russia dries up. This is one thing.
On the other hand, the US can never match Russia when it comes to transfer of military technology to India. The US will never give nuclear submarines on lease to India or part with an aircraft carrier. It is yet to translate into deeds its promise to give India reprocessing technology, as expected under the 2008 nuclear deal.
Without a strong Russian competitor, the US will be in a better position to keep dodging any worthwhile transfer of military technology to the Indian market.
Secondly, Moscow has a game plan to diversify its energy exports away from Europe by tapping the Asian market. The western sanctions have prompted Russia to seek new Asian partners. China has been a beneficiary. India too is potentially a big energy partner for Russia.
All in all, therefore, the visits by Putin and Obama to Delhi in successive months against the backdrop of the cold-war tensions in world politics pose a profound intellectual challenge to the Indian leadership. The bottom line is that a strong relationship with Russia enables India to negotiate more effectively with the US.
Therefore, Putin’s visit to India next month should not get reduced to a symbolic event, an annual ritual of sorts that somehow has to be gone through. It is crucial that Moscow does its homework — and the Indian side raises its expectations too — and packs Putin’s visit with froward-looking content that can reenergize the strategic partnership.
A disinformation campaign is already afoot in the American media aimed at poisoning the climate of Putin’s visit — the canard being spread is that Russia is ditching India and courting Pakistan.
Whereas, it will take light years for a truly strategic Russia-Pakistan relationship to shape up, if at all. Russia’s search to normalize relations with Pakistan is perfectly understandable, given the acute regional security scenario and Moscow’s keenness to retain a level of influence over the Afghan developments that impact the volatile situation in North Caucasus and Central Asia.
Of course, a strategic realignment may become inevitable in South Asia if India finally abandons its independent foreign policies and its strategic autonomy and instead aligns with the US in a manner that hurts Russia’s core concerns and vital interests. But under prime minister Narendra Modi’s leadership, it is hard to imagine that happening, whatever the self-styled pundits may be saying to the contrary.

Posted in Diplomacy, Military, Politics.

Tagged with Narendra Modi, New Cold War, Taliban's reconciliation.

By M K Bhadrakumar – November 25, 2014
 
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