South China Sea Strategies for other nations (Not China)

Brumby

Major
China sees a distinction between Civilian Vessels & Military Vessels within EEZ as it relates to FON and is raising it based on security related interests. The United States obviously (currently) does not share the same view based on it's own interests and is enforcing it's position. This is a serious, real-world, point of contention and discussion between the parties.
It is China's prerogative to raise whatever issues it choose to do so as a sovereign state. What we have today as embodied in UNCLOS III doesn't support that view and neither is international law, and UN resolutions.

You cannot dismiss the dynamic of Civilian versus Military FON transit within EEZ, for the simple reason that it is a part of the current geopolitical discussion at play. It's also pretty clear why China would want to draw a distinction between the two types of shipping and why painting China as a threat to the principles of FON, full-stop, is just silly propaganda for the uninformed.
It may be part of the geopolitical discussions because there are dissidents who are dissatisfied with the status quo and will keep on raising the issues. It is their prerogative in attempting to move the post.

I am sorry to say I don't see what is supposedly very clear regarding civilian and military distinction. Even with regards to "innocent passage" there is no attempt to make that distinction. The limitation test was in conduct during transit as to whether it meets the "innocent passage" criteria. Derogatory comments of opposing views as silly propaganda for the uninformed doesn't make your case any more substantial. Articulating your case would help rather than assertions.

Now you can take whichever position you like regarding the above and debate current maritime law ad nauseam... But real fact is that the only law subject to eternal constant is the law of nature. The laws of men come and go and are changed with regularity. I suspect China's views on this will find their way into global policy, in some part, over the coming years.
What is to be is yet to be written. Time will tell.
 

Brumby

Major
And what about the countries that specifically opted out of binding arbitration? What justification is there to legally compel those nations to accept provisions they clearly and openly opted out of? "Because they have to" doesn't cut it.

Section 1 of Part XV outlines the general provisions for dispute settlement. Section 2 outlines four specific binding mechanism essentially involving different international bodies. This is the section that PRC has opted out of.

As I understand legal commentary regarding UNCLOS, one reason for getting a significant sign on was because of the dispute mechanism built into the provisions. Article 279 as a preamble states "Obligation to settle disputes by peaceful means". I agree the language lacks the meaning of compulsion but rather expectation which doesn't have the same strength in wording. As UNCLOS is relatively new, how the dispute resolution plays out in reality is in my view unproven.

If we take the example of the PRC Philippines dispute, given that PRC has opted out of section 2, what is left is both countries need to agree on a dispute mechanism that both are willing to sign on. If one party drags its feet, I am not sure how UNCLOS will deal with it as a practical reality.
 

delft

Brigadier
The discussion on the size of the territorial sea were the result of the improvement of offensive and defensive armaments. These improvements continue. It is reasonable that the strongest military power says in effect "my defence begins at the border of your territorial sea", that's the might is right argument. This position had so little traction that the US Congress refuses to ratify the last UNCLOS. Clearly the current treaty is not the end of the development and the size of the territorial sea is likely to be increased further. Additional limitations on the conduct of naval ships within the EEZ are likely to be generally accepted earlier. But we might have to wait a long time .....
 

advill

Junior Member
Looks like Might is Right appears to be China's viewpoint. It's always been the case of past history where major powers use their military/naval might to their advantage. They didn't last long though, as no country or countries want to "kow-tow" to any arrogant power. History has shown this clearly.
 

Brumby

Major
Which particular articles or sections are you referring in within UNCLOS that you interpret as PRC is subject to dispute mechanism? Thanks.
Section 1 Part XV Article 279 states "States Parties shall settle any dispute between them concerning the interpretation or application of this Convention by peaceful means in accordance with Article 2, paragraph 3, of the Charter of the United Nations and, to this end, shall seek a solution by the means indicated in Article 33, paragraph 1, of the Charter."
 

Blitzo

General
Staff member
Super Moderator
Registered Member
Looks like Might is Right appears to be China's viewpoint. It's always been the case of past history where major powers use their military/naval might to their advantage. They didn't last long though, as no country or countries want to "kow-tow" to any arrogant power. History has shown this clearly.

Might has always been right... it just takes some years for the views of the mighty to be seen as right.
How else do you think the current and past superpowers have reached where they are?

Seriously, advill, I'm not sure if you're just naive or if you only consider the last century as relevant history. Interstate geopolitics have always been acted upon real politik, right and wrong and ideology doesn't really come into it, only power and self interest.
 

Brumby

Major
The discussion on the size of the territorial sea were the result of the improvement of offensive and defensive armaments.
That is an interesting observation because my understanding of the original 3 mile territorial sea was based on the distance of a cannon shot.

These improvements continue. It is reasonable that the strongest military power says in effect "my defence begins at the border of your territorial sea", that's the might is right argument. This position had so little traction that the US Congress refuses to ratify the last UNCLOS. Clearly the current treaty is not the end of the development and the size of the territorial sea is likely to be increased further. Additional limitations on the conduct of naval ships within the EEZ are likely to be generally accepted earlier. But we might have to wait a long time .....

In a nutshell depending on your view is either the EEZ as a "residual" character of high sea as opposed to the "emerging" character of territorial sea. Philosophically, it is Mare Liberum vs. Mare Clausum.
 

delft

Brigadier
That is an interesting observation because my understanding of the original 3 mile territorial sea was based on the distance of a cannon shot.
That is my understanding too. The increase to 12 miles is less than needed to take care of the increase in reach of weapons. Indeed you might abolish the whole of the free sea if that remained the argument.
In a nutshell depending on your view is either the EEZ as a "residual" character of high sea as opposed to the "emerging" character of territorial sea. Philosophically, it is Mare Liberum vs. Mare Clausum.
We are now between the free and the closed sea and will remain there. The question is where do we draw what line.
 

Zetageist

Junior Member
From Philippine Daily Inquirer:

My Spratlys ABC
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12:07 AM June 18th, 2015

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TV broadcaster Loren Legarda (now a senator) and I were the first journalists to set foot on one of the islands of the disputed Spratlys in the West Philippine Sea, then considered a “flashpoint” because a number of countries, the Philippines among them, were claiming one, several, or all of the islands. That was in 1991. We flew aboard a Nomad plane of the Philippine Air Force with then PAF chief Loven Abadia and several officers. We landed on Kalayaan, an island with an airstrip, claimed by the Philippines. It seemed so far away at that time.

Since then, the disputes regarding ownership of the 53-island group would flare up again and again, but not as seriously as now, with China (which has long claimed all of the islands) building structures where it pleases. It has even seized the Philippines’ Scarborough or Ayungin Shoal.

I fly back to what I learned then, from research and interviews with an expert on the Law of the Sea and even with representatives of claimant-countries. One interesting interview was with “The Admiral,” Tomas Cloma, a Filipino adventurer who claimed the Spratlys. More on him next week.

The Philippines, Yorac said, had always been sensitive to what constituted its island waters and maritime boundaries, the reasons being economic, fiscal, political and security. Because of its archipelagic nature and having islands lying more than 12 nautical miles from each other, the Philippines consistently advances its territory as both land and water formed into a composite and integral unity. The legal bases for this are: recognition by treaty, devolution by treaty rights and historic title.

The 1935 Constitution defined Philippine territory as “all the territory ceded to the United States by the Treaty of Paris and Spain (on Dec. 10, 1898) the limits of which were set forth in Article III of the treaty, together with all the islands embraced in the treaty concluded at Washington, between the United States and Spain on (Nov. 7, 1900) and the treaty concluded between the United States and Great Britain on (Jan. 2, 1930) and all territory over which the present Government of the Philippine Islands exercises jurisdiction.”

In 1955 the Philippines notified the United Nations and other states that all waters within the line described by the Treaty of Paris and the Constitution were Philippine territory subject to the exercise of the right of innocent passage by friendly nations.

In 1961, through Republic Act No. 3046, the Philippines adopted a straight baseline method around its territorial waters with outermost island and drying reefs as baselines while also affirming the provisions in the 1935 Constitution.

The later constitutions do not explicitly mention the treaties on which maritime boundaries were based but, Yorac said, these had been subsumed in the phrase “territories belonging to the Philippines by historic right and legal title” (1973) and “all the islands and waters over which the Philippines has sovereignty and jurisdiction” (1987). With these sweeping definitions, the Philippines can assert ownership over islands in the Spratlys.

In 1956 Filipino adventurer and fishing boat owner Tomas Cloma made a “Proclamation to the Whole World” asserting ownership over the Spratlys. China and Vietnam protested.

Cloma’s claim came after a first attempt by the Philippine government in 1947 to declare ownership over what it then called “New Southern Islands.” With the 1947 claim and Cloma’s consolidated, the Philippine government, through a diplomatic note, asked Taiwan in 1971 to withdraw its troops from Itu Aba, the biggest in the island group. This was after troops there fired at then Sen. Ramon Mitra of Palawan who was visiting the islands. (Itu Aba is still occupied by Taiwan.)

A few years later, the Philippines garrisoned eight islands; in 1978 President Ferdinand Marcos issued Presidential Decree No. 1596 declaring the islands part of Philippine territory and Filipinized the name Freedomland into Kalayaan Island Group. Marcos also declared a 200-mile exclusive economic zone for the Philippines (PD 1599). Kalayaan was included in the new map of the Philippines.

PD 1596 gave reasons for claiming the islands: 1) The area is part of the continental margin of the Philippine archipelago; 2) the islands do not belong to any state, but by reason of history, indispensable need, and effective occupation and control established in accordance with international law, should now be deemed subject to the sovereignty of the Philippines; and 3) claims by other states over the area had lapsed by reason of abandonment and cannot prevail over that of the Philippines on legal, historical and equitable grounds.

Yorac argued that there were no records showing that claims made before the 1900s had been accompanied by positive assertions of effective sovereignty and control for a continuous and substantial length of time. During World War II, Japan used the islands as naval outposts for only six years. With Japan’s surrender and the war over, none of the claimants except Taiwan made a move to assert sovereignty, although Yorac said the effect of those acts was legally debatable.

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