South China Sea Strategies for other nations (Not China)

Blackstone

Brigadier
Philippines officials announced military exercises with US and with Japan in separate events next week. PN will use its two Hamilton-class cutters turned Fast Frigates and US will bring LCS USS Fort Worth. Later in the week, a JN P-3 Orion will conduct a separate exercise with Philippine military. It's not clear what the small scale exercises could do to impress Beijing. On the other hand, it is somewhat noteworthy Philippines could conduct two exercises in the same week, however miniscule they be.

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The Philippines is set to hold military drills with its ally the United States and its strategic partner Japan next week, Philippine officials confirmed Thursday.

The exercises with the United States technically began on June 18, but will be formally opened only on June 22 and run till June 30. They are part of the annual Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training (CARAT) exercises which Washington carries out with several South and Southeast Asian nations (See: “
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”).


During the exercises, the United States will deploy its littoral combat ship USS Fort Worth, while the Philippines will deploy the BRP Gregorio del Pilar and BRP Ramon Alcaraz. Philippine Fleet public affairs officer Lt. Liezel Vidallon
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the exercises would involve helicopter crash and salvage, live fire, deck landing qualification, board and seizure and weapons systems training.


Vidallon also stressed that the holding of CARAT Philippines 2015 near the South China Sea was part of regularly planned and scheduled drills had nothing to do with Manila’s ongoing dispute with China.

The exercises with Japan – only the second ever between Tokyo and Manila – will be staged separately but during the same week as the U.S. drills (See: “
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”). As I reported earlier this month, Philippine Navy spokesman Colonel Edgard Arevalo had confirmed that the exercises will be part of a series of activities lined up for a country visit by the Japan’s Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) from June 22 to June 26 (See: “
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”).


Specifics of the exercises, however, still remain unclear. The Philippine Star
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that Philippine Navy spokesman Commander Lued Lincuna could not immediately provide any further details such as where the exercise would be held. But Japanese public broadcaster NHK had
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that the exercises will be held near the South China Sea and that the MSDF would dispatch a P-3C maritime surveillance aircraft to the drill.


Additionally, as I reported previously, Arevalo had earlier revealed that the exercises between Manila and Tokyo would include humanitarian assistance and disaster response, maritime search and rescue, and maritime situational awareness training and cooperation. There would also be staff-to-staff talks conducted during the visit to strengthen information-sharing and step up maritime situational awareness.

Lincuna, for his part,
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that the drills would help familiarize Philippine troops with modern equipment through the sharing of information, techniques and best practices on a technical level.


The drills between Manila and Tokyo come shortly after Philippine President Benigno Aquino III’s visit to Japan during the first week of June. During the visit, Aquino and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe both pledged to strengthen the security side of their strategic partnership through a range of measures and agreed to open discussions on a visiting forces agreement that would allow Tokyo access to Philippine military bases (See: “
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Blackstone

Brigadier
Let's not forget the factor of domestic consumption for each respective participant.
Alright, let's look at domestic messaging:
  • Secretary Carter talks tough, and follows up with one LCS
  • Prime Minister Abe talks tough, and follows up with one P-3 Orion
  • Philippines public sees an ally that might or might not show up for a fight with China, and another near-ally that definitely wouldn't
  • Chinese citizens see their old enemy and new rival siding against them, and their anger makes it tougher for CCP leaders to work out compromises
  • Where's the Australian Navy? Probably staying home to enjoy Oz's new Free Trade deal with Beijing.
 

Brumby

Major
Carry over conversation from another thread.

Yes I am attempting to decouple them. Logically, for the purposes of this discussion at least, one must decouple them, otherwise it is materially misleading regarding China's actions and its intentions. I explain this at the end of the post.

The fact that international law does not differentiate them does not mean that we, as astute observers cannot point out illogical statements that seek to hide behind international law for misinformation.

Established international laws are implicitly grounded in logic, reason, customs, et al developed and tested over a long history for without it there will be international chaos. I think for you to imply that somehow international laws as related to our topic of discussion is a source for misinformation and illogical statements require you to substantiate beyond mere assertion if you wish to decouple the conversation between military and civilian vessels pertaining to FON. At a minimum, you need to point out the illogical statements; explain why they are illogical; and finally establish the source of the problem is connected to the laws itself.

In my view you cannot decouple the conversation for the following reasons :

Legally, the laws of the seas do not differentiate between civilian and military vessels pertaining to freedom of navigation in the high seas. The concept of freedom of the seas date back centuries and is grounded in the concept that the high seas is a global commons and freedom to navigate is established by the principle of De Mare Liberum.


In terms of historical practice, FON is about access and freedom to navigate and the antithesis of it is by forceful means of preventing such freedom. As such, FON is always about the military ensuring access by testing, securing and preventing any artificial means to deny access either coercively or through intimidation. Historically it is the role of military vessels to challenge any denial of FON. The fact that military vessels are used for this purpose is out of practical reality and is simple logic because a military vessel has the capability to enforce unlike the role and responsibility of the civilian vessel. If a military vessel with its capability to gain access is denied than it is highly questionable whether the conditions exist for a civilian vessel to do so. It is a logical sequence where the horse is before the cart. What you are attempting to do is to argue for the cart before the horse by continuously pointing out that there are no incidents of FON issue with civilian vessels. In fact I have conveniently left out the Scarborough issues where fishing vessels are being denied access but I would leave it out for the time being as not to complicate the conversation. The bottom line is that you cannot have a moving cart without the horse. .


Finally, philosophically FON in the high seas is about ensuring the appropriate conditions exist to freely navigate. The conditions are independent of whether they are a military or civilian vessel because the high seas is a global common that does not differentiate.

So therefore you are implicitly agreeing that China has not sought to establish conditions of freedom of navigation regarding civilian vessels...

This point is irrelevant as explained above as it is a condition subsequent consideration. The main test is whether the acts have the potential to hinder FON are present and which we have seen prima facie evidence. Whether it will lead to eventual hindrance as a policy is premature, unnecessary and out of context in our discussions.

and you also agree that it is not in the US's interests for China to have the capability to do so if the necessity ever arose...

This statement is irrelevant from my standpoint because in a lawful and orderly society, every party has to abide by the rules no matter how unpleasant it may be. In my view China needs to establish legitimacy in its claims and that is by following the mechanism that is prescribed within UNCLOS. If it is established that it has sovereignty, then it can do whatever it needs to as any sovereign nation as governed by the UN charter. Under such circumstance, the US has to respect the situation no matter how unpleasant it might be for it. Currently, China has no legitimacy to impose any restrictions because the issue is unresolved. It is simply exercising might is right as an approach.

But hey, we were never debating about the ability to constrain civilian, we were debating the evidence for China intending to limit civilian FON as justification for describing them as a threat to FON of all kinds of vessels. And for that, you have no leg to stand on, because China has never physically acted in such a way to restrict FON of civilian vessels and they have never stated any desire to do so, so unless you want to equate the ability to restrict civilian FON as the intention, well then I refer you back to this doctrine that you supposedly follow:

I don’t recall I have ever offered a view that China was in fact limiting FON on civilian vessels as a debating point. My position has consistently been about FON – period.

Because civilian ships and military ships are fundamentally different (do you need me to "present a case" for why they're different?)?

Because China has not sought to challenge any civilian vehicle's FON up to the present?

The provisions within UNCLOS governing FON only talks of “threat to use force” and “peaceful purpose”. It does not differentiate between civilian and military vessels. The conduct of military activities does not automatically fail the test of peaceful purpose and this is clearly established within UNCLOS and by UN resolutions. You are attempting to overturn normal convention by your reasoning and your attempt at decoupling.

Because the suggestion that China would seek to challenge the FON of civilian vehicle's makes no sense for its economy given it is the largest trading nation on earth and the largest trading partner of virtually all its regional neighbours, and limiting FON would limit its own trade?

Because if one does imply that China is challenging the FON of all vehicles, and if one looks at the few challenges they have issued in the past and the types of vehicles they have issued it to, it is disingenuous if not outright lying to claim that China is a threat or a challenge to FON of all types of vehicles, when facts up to the present are only suggestive that a particular, obvious subset of vehicles (military) were challenged?

Because if one implies China is challenge FON of all vehicles (rather than only military vehicles in certain limited ways), then that would mislead other nations and observers into thinking it is more aggressive than it actually is?

I think I have adequately addressed this in my above comments.


(btw now that I go back to the P-8 incident, the name of the zone was actually a "military alert zone" not a "military exclusion zone". Given you were insistent on equating exclusion as restriction, what would you equate "alert" to?)

There is a saying that if it walks and quacks like a duck it is a duck. I am surprised that you are still labouring on it.
 

Blitzo

General
Staff member
Super Moderator
Registered Member
Brumby, you are intent on using semantics rather than logic to buttress your engagement on whether one should decouple civilian from military FON in regards to describing China's past and present actions and stated intent on "challenging FON". In my original response to advill, the issue was never a semantic one but about the actual material and potential threat that China supposedly poses to FON, and if one wants to generalize its few limited actions against military vessel's FON to supposed challenging FON of all vessels then so be it.

But I am unable to reconcile myself with this seam of logic, so I have nothing else to say.
 

delft

Brigadier
Carry over conversation from another thread.



Established international laws are implicitly grounded in logic, reason, customs, et al developed and tested over a long history for without it there will be international chaos. I think for you to imply that somehow international laws as related to our topic of discussion is a source for misinformation and illogical statements require you to substantiate beyond mere assertion if you wish to decouple the conversation between military and civilian vessels pertaining to FON. At a minimum, you need to point out the illogical statements; explain why they are illogical; and finally establish the source of the problem is connected to the laws itself.

In my view you cannot decouple the conversation for the following reasons :

Legally, the laws of the seas do not differentiate between civilian and military vessels pertaining to freedom of navigation in the high seas. The concept of freedom of the seas date back centuries and is grounded in the concept that the high seas is a global commons and freedom to navigate is established by the principle of De Mare Liberum.


In terms of historical practice, FON is about access and freedom to navigate and the antithesis of it is by forceful means of preventing such freedom. As such, FON is always about the military ensuring access by testing, securing and preventing any artificial means to deny access either coercively or through intimidation. Historically it is the role of military vessels to challenge any denial of FON. The fact that military vessels are used for this purpose is out of practical reality and is simple logic because a military vessel has the capability to enforce unlike the role and responsibility of the civilian vessel. If a military vessel with its capability to gain access is denied than it is highly questionable whether the conditions exist for a civilian vessel to do so. It is a logical sequence where the horse is before the cart. What you are attempting to do is to argue for the cart before the horse by continuously pointing out that there are no incidents of FON issue with civilian vessels. In fact I have conveniently left out the Scarborough issues where fishing vessels are being denied access but I would leave it out for the time being as not to complicate the conversation. The bottom line is that you cannot have a moving cart without the horse. .


Finally, philosophically FON in the high seas is about ensuring the appropriate conditions exist to freely navigate. The conditions are independent of whether they are a military or civilian vessel because the high seas is a global common that does not differentiate.



This point is irrelevant as explained above as it is a condition subsequent consideration. The main test is whether the acts have the potential to hinder FON are present and which we have seen prima facie evidence. Whether it will lead to eventual hindrance as a policy is premature, unnecessary and out of context in our discussions.



This statement is irrelevant from my standpoint because in a lawful and orderly society, every party has to abide by the rules no matter how unpleasant it may be. In my view China needs to establish legitimacy in its claims and that is by following the mechanism that is prescribed within UNCLOS. If it is established that it has sovereignty, then it can do whatever it needs to as any sovereign nation as governed by the UN charter. Under such circumstance, the US has to respect the situation no matter how unpleasant it might be for it. Currently, China has no legitimacy to impose any restrictions because the issue is unresolved. It is simply exercising might is right as an approach.



I don’t recall I have ever offered a view that China was in fact limiting FON on civilian vessels as a debating point. My position has consistently been about FON – period.



The provisions within UNCLOS governing FON only talks of “threat to use force” and “peaceful purpose”. It does not differentiate between civilian and military vessels. The conduct of military activities does not automatically fail the test of peaceful purpose and this is clearly established within UNCLOS and by UN resolutions. You are attempting to overturn normal convention by your reasoning and your attempt at decoupling.



I think I have adequately addressed this in my above comments.




There is a saying that if it walks and quacks like a duck it is a duck. I am surprised that you are still labouring on it.
Since Hugo Grotius formulated the doctrine of Freedom of Navigation nearly four centuries ago there has been the development of the concept of the territorial sea, originally three miles, the reach of the then current cannon, from coastal forts, later the same distance from the waterline of a country. This has now been increased to 12 miles despite an attempt by some countries, notably Indonesia, to make that 200 km. For merchant ships there is always the supposition of innocent passage, something that cannot be assumed for naval vessels. In that sense there is indeed a distinction between merchant and naval ships.
 

Brumby

Major
rfor
Since Hugo Grotius formulated the doctrine of Freedom of Navigation nearly four centuries ago there has been the development of the concept of the territorial sea, originally three miles, the reach of the then current cannon, from coastal forts, later the same distance from the waterline of a country. This has now been increased to 12 miles despite an attempt by some countries, notably Indonesia, to make that 200 km. For merchant ships there is always the supposition of innocent passage, something that cannot be assumed for naval vessels. In that sense there is indeed a distinction between merchant and naval ships.

The product of UNCLOS III was to resolve the existing tension then between States that wanted to expand their territorial seas and the maritime powers in protecting freedom of navigation. The product as we have today is a result of a grand bargain in that each side got a share of what it wanted as an outcome rather than the whole that each side wanted.

So as you said, the end product includes:
(i)expanding the territory seas from 3 to 12 miles but foreign ships would have the right of innocent passage;
(ii)the concept of "transit passage" was created for international starits;
(iii)the concept of archipelagic water was legitimized;
(iv)the concept of a 200-mile exclusive economic zone was introduced, in which the coastal state would have the exclusive right to manage the living and non-living resources of the sea. Other states would have freedom of navigation and overflight; and
(v)the traditional freedoms in the high seas were confirmed

The problem we have today are States that continue to push for territorialization of the EEZ but conveniently ignoring that UNCLOS III was a package deal i.e. after securing your part in the grand bargain is pushing for the other side of the bargain.

In our conversation of the SCS issue, the area in question is effectively either the EEZ or the high seas which FON is guaranteed unlike territorial seas. The notion of 'innocent passage" and the distinction between military and civilian vessels becomes irrelevant.
 

Blackstone

Brigadier
In our conversation of the SCS issue, the area in question is effectively either the EEZ or the high seas which FON is guaranteed unlike territorial seas. The notion of 'innocent passage" and the distinction between military and civilian vessels becomes irrelevant.
Nope, not irrelevant. Question of military and commercial FONs same or different hasn't been tested until China made it an issue. Current global FON is based on US preference, but is that because everyone likes it, or is it because dissenters haven't been powerful enough to challenge status quo until now? The argument isn't going away anytime soon.

My personal opinion is current norms should stand.
 

ahojunk

Senior Member
Below is a pic dated 13-Feb-2015 that shows a 4,000-ton CCG ship in Luconia Shoals. It is stationed 3.5 km from an elevated coral sediment called Luconia Breakers. A smaller Malaysian Navy patrol vessel is seen anchored 2.7 km northwest of the Chinese ship.

Luconia.Shoals.2015-02-13.Luconia.Breakers_ahojunk_CCG&MsiaCG - Copy.jpg
 

Brumby

Major
Nope, not irrelevant. Question of military and commercial FONs same or different hasn't been tested until China made it an issue. Current global FON is based on US preference, but is that because everyone likes it, or is it because dissenters haven't been powerful enough to challenge status quo until now? The argument isn't going away anytime soon.

My personal opinion is current norms should stand.

Our opinion is actually irrelevant. FON is based on the provisions of UNCLOS. Obviously if the pursuance is in the form of might is right then that is a different conversation altogether.
 
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