China will be hurt for sure. It already happened last year: a anemic nominal GDP growth even with a massive economic stimulus in range of 30% of GDP. But that year export/GDP ratio in China collapsed (from 35-40% to 25% of GDP), so now China is less dependent on export. In any case i think that the ability of China to grow quickly even with export stalling is the big economic question of the future.
I think they succeed, but with a clear slowdow in growth rate, also because i think that western crisis will be more similar to japanese style: a very long stagnation without much contraction, so China export will stagnate instead of collapsing. Obviously those are only my speculation.
Time will tell.
You probably mixed up Trade with export. Before the crisis hit Chinese trade make up about 40 to 55 % of GDP import and export are roughly balance. So export never been higher than 30% at most. Now even less
Here is the stats of GDP growth
Before revision
2005: 10.4%
2006: 11.6%
2007: 13%
2008: 9.6%
2009: 8.7%
Revised
2005: 11.3%
2006: 12.7%
2007: 14.2%
2008: Untouched
2009: 9.1%
2010: Projected growth 9-10%
They hardly missed a beat. PIIGS countries will be dancing on the street if they can even get 3% growth.
@ spartan I won't call a year drop in growth as proof that Asia is dependent on the EU and US . The finance sytem in Asia is now more robust than pre 1997. Ironically by following IMF Recipe and let the bad bank collapsed no bailout. Contrary what they do now in the west keeping the Zombies alive
On different subject
Japan sows seeds for Chinese growth
By Jonathan Soble in Tokyo
Published: July 7 2010 02:56 | Last updated: July 7 2010 02:56
Buy a take-out chicken dinner in Los Angeles or an onigiri rice ball from a convenience store in Tokyo, and there is a good chance the plastic bag it comes in will have been made in China.
Just as likely, the bag’s journey to the checkout counter from its birthplace in a Middle Eastern oil patch will have been shepherded by a Japanese trading company, Mitsubishi.
is an example of how China is playing a more central role in the operations of some of Japan’s biggest companies, the sogo shosha, or general trading companies.
Shosha such as Mitsubishi, Mitsui, Sumitomo and Marubeni have been among the biggest beneficiaries of China’s rise. Having built their businesses supplying resource-poor Japan with raw materials, in the 1990s they switched from simple fee-based trading to investing, taking stakes in everything from Siberian gas fields to Australian iron ore mines.
New ambassador’s trading background shows that Japan means business
Few people know more about the role of Japanese trading groups in deepening business ties with China than Uichiro Niwa, Japan’s new ambassador to Beijing, report Mure Dickie and Jonathan Soble.
Mr Niwa is a former president and chairman of trading house Itochu and helped spearhead its Chinese expansion throughout the 1990s and early years of this century.
His appointment as the first non-career diplomat to head the Beijing embassy since Japan established diplomatic ties with communist China in 1972 is part of a drive by the ruling Democratic party to reduce the influence of Japan’s elite bureaucrats.
Katsuya Okada, foreign minister in the DPJ-led government, says Mr Niwa will bring a wealth of talent and experience to what is a vital role in managing the often testy relationship between East Asia’s two leading powers.
In a blog posting on the surprise appointment last month, Mr Okada noted in particular the outspoken former executive’s willingness to “swing the axe” to drive through a drastic reorganisation at Itochu when it fell into crisis in 1999.
“I've known Mr Niwa for a long time and he is an extremely fine person,” wrote Mr Okada, who is the son of the founder of Japanese retail group Aeon, which itself has substantial operations in China.
However, the unprecedented appointment of a businessman to such an important Japanese diplomatic position has dismayed many foreign ministry officials, while winning little praise from the private sector.
Hiromasa Yonekura, chairman of the Keidanren, Japan’s most influential business lobby, worries that it might be “very difficult” for former executives to fully grasp security issues and to create the political networks vital to ambassadorial success.
The lack of enthusiasm for Mr Niwa’s diplomatic debut reflects in part his image among trading house counterparts as something of a lone wolf.
“He’s not very popular in the industry,” says one manager at a rival trading house.
“He's seen as someone who wants to draw attention to himself.”
The timing was perfect. When roaring Chinese demand lifted commodities prices a few years later, the shosha booked windfall profits.
Their traditional import-export businesses flourished too. Shosha brokered sales of Japanese capital goods to China – from factory equipment to power plants to bullet trains – and arranged imports of Chinese processed food and clothing to Japan.
“China is the only country that we dedicate a separate office to managing. That shows you how important it is to our business,” says Shohei Hino of Mitsubishi’s China unit.
Today the shosha are looking at new ways to take advantage of China’s growth by increasing their direct investments in the country.
The enterprises that are taking shape as a result are often more “foreign” and complex than anything they have tried before – taking the companies well beyond their roots in Japan.
Take the plastic bags. Mitsubishi exports polyethylene sheets to China from Sharq, a Saudi Arabian petrochemical company in which it owns a minority stake.
Once in China, the sheets are turned into bags by a Mitsubishi-affiliated manufacturing company, before being shipped to KFC chicken outlets and Lawson convenience stores – also part-owned by Mitsubishi – in the US and Japan.
Another big Japanese trading group, Itochu, has been an active investor in China’s domestic food market.
In 2008 it paid $710m for a 20 per cent stake in Ting Hsin, a big food processing group. That followed a deal with Cofco, China’s state-owned food processor, to buy grain and other agricultural commodities in global markets, an effort to build pricing power and combat rising food costs.
Other traders are also targeting Chinese stomachs. Last year Marubeni agreed a soyabean-procurement deal with Sinograin, a state-owned grain importer, and has invested in a bakery in Shanghai that makes bread using Marubeni-sourced wheat. It has moved into China’s nascent wine industry as a co-investor with Asahi, the Japanese brewer, in a winery in Nantong.
Marubeni is also investing in water, taking a 40 per cent stake in a purification plant in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, that is majority-owned by Veolia of France.
Some of the shosha’s most intriguing moves have involved brokering trade between China and third countries. Mitsubishi, for example, has sold Chinese-built cement-making equipment to Vietnam, and sees future opportunities in marketing Chinese-made railway cars to India and other developing countries.
“China doesn’t have experience selling its own products overseas, so Mitsubishi’s job would be to find customers,” says Mr Hino of Mitsubishi.
One risk to the strategy is that as Chinese companies grow and gain more international experience, they will see less need to piggyback on the shosha.
That has already happened with manufacturers in Japan, and is one reason the shosha were forced to shift away from trading to investment.
Another obstacle is lingering resentment of Japan’s wartime occupation of China, which some trading company managers worry might surface if they seek majority control of their Chinese ventures.
“Can you imagine a Japanese-controlled utility raising water rates in China?” asks one. “There’s no way we would even try.”
This is the third in a series on Japan’s business relations with China