equoia Capital Chairman Michael Moritz is rightly being
for an
this week in the
Financial Times, in which Moritz argues, among other things, that “soul-sapping discussions” about gender imbalances and political correctness in Silicon Valley have become “unwarranted distractions” from the principal business of making money. “In recent months, there have been complaints about the political sensibilities of speakers invited to address a corporate audience; debates over the appropriate length of paternity leave or work-life balances; and grumbling about the need for a space for musical jam sessions,” he writes. “These seem like the concerns of a society that is becoming unhinged.”
Moritz, a billionaire venture capitalist who
said his firm didn’t hire more women because he wouldn’t “lower his standards,” makes himself an easy target with his grumbling about social justice, or as he calls it, “chatter about the inequity of life.” But the broader context of his argument is telling, and worth unpacking in full. “These topics are absent in China’s technology companies, where the pace of work is furious,” Moritz continues, extolling the virtues of a more authoritarian tech culture where employees work for 14 hours a day, six or seven days a week, and some workers see their children for only minutes each day. “If a Chinese company schedules tasks for the weekend, nobody complains about missing a Little League game or skipping a basketball outing with friends,” he writes. “Little wonder it is a common sight at a Chinese company to see many people with their heads resting on their desks taking a nap in the early afternoon.”
Moritz’s position is, of course, symptomatic of deeper anxieties over America’s diminishing power in a multipolar world, and China’s rapid rise as an economic and military powerhouse. Fears that the United States is losing its superpower status after decades of industrial decline fueled Donald Trump’scandidacy, and have remained a central talking point of his presidency. And while Silicon Valley has mostly resisted Trump’s proposed solutions—tariffs on trade and restrictions on immigration—many share his concerns about Chinese competitiveness. The pace of innovation in China,
a
, has
thanks to companies like Baidu, which wants to sell autonomous vehicles in China in 2018; WeChat, which has nearly 1 billion users; and Huawei, which in 2016 filed more patent applications than any other company in the world. Five years ago, tech leaders groused about Chinese corporate espionage and electronic knockoffs. Today, Beijing is pouring money into
that may soon surpass the U.S., and it’s said to have more than
committed to close the semiconductor gap.
Moritz isn’t the first V.C. to blame America’s geopolitical decline on an alleged culture of decadence. Y Combinator President Sam Altman said as much in a
last month, in which he asserted that censorship has silenced intellectual dissent in San Francisco. “Earlier this year, I noticed something in China that really surprised me,” he wrote. “I realized I felt more comfortable discussing controversial ideas in Beijing than in San Francisco.” To produce the best ideas, he suggested, you have to put up with some bad ones, too. “This is uncomfortable, but it’s possible we have to allow people to say disparaging things about gay people if we want them to be able to say novel things about physics.” It’s a familiar concept for armchair enthusiasts of Edward Gibbon’s
The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, as well as other books that tie Rome’s collapse to loosening moral standards and a loss of identity.
, Trump’s own (former) armchair philosopher, is among those who have
to draw parallels to America’s embrace of multiculturalism. Even for some avowed liberals, it’s a seductive narrative.
It’s also deeply misguided. The answer to a rising China isn’t to become more like China, whose authoritarian model of state capitalism trades political freedom for economic control. It’s to redouble investments in social and human capital, education, immigration, and labor rights that make the United States one of the best places in the world to start businesses and build new industries. While Trump is undercutting U.S. advantages in education by
to universities, China
the U.S. in its expenditures on science development and research. Yes, some luxuries afforded to tech workers will likely disappear as software engineering becomes commodity work. But the point shouldn’t be to race to the bottom to compete with China on its own turf by offering fewer protections, lower wages, and longer working hours for employees, or to turn Silicon Valley into a Foxconn factory.
There is no winning by turning inward, as the Trump administration has done. While America is withdrawing from the world—pulling money from the United Nations, abandoning the Paris climate accord, dropping the Trans-Pacific Partnership—Beijing is stepping into the vacuum, forging new financial and trade partnerships with U.S. allies, moving forward with plans for a modern Silk Road uniting Europe and Asia, and expanding its economic footprint in Africa and South America. “The world needs China, as all humans are living in a community with a shared future . . . That creates broad strategic room for our efforts to uphold peace and development and gain an advantage,” the Chinese Communist Party
in China’s
People’s Daily this week, promoting President Xi Jinping’s efforts to become the new leader of the (somewhat less free) world. “The drawbacks of capitalism-led political and economic systems are emerging; the global governance system is experiencing profound changes and a new international order is taking shape.”
It’s true that a new international order is inevitable. But it will be a better one with American leadership and commitment to values we care about. Abandoning efforts to address gender, racial, and labor inequities—in Silicon Valley and elsewhere—isn’t “chatter” and it’s not “unhinged.” It’s what makes America different than China, and a global force in its own right.