China's SCS Strategy Thread

PiSigma

"the engineer"
US Navy came within 12 miles of trinton island, part of paracel chain. Those are natural islands.

Basically , US is saying it doesn't recognize China ownership of paracel. It's a mjor escalation than simple FONOP at spratley.

Well, China should return the favor and sail within 12 miles of Guam, and it shouldn't recognize US ownership of Guam.
There is no need to fall to their level. Its probably easier for China to sell tunnel digging equipment to mexico as quid pro quo.
 

Equation

Lieutenant General
Of course many of us had already knew this.;) But I disagree with the article tying the blame mostly on the Obama administration for the US SCS losing. There wasn't much President Obama could do at the time because the world is changing and so are the politics and economics of things.

Assessing the South China Sea Arbitral Award after One Year: Why China Won and the U.S. is Losing
By
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Wednesday, July 12, 2017, 12:00 AM

A year ago today, an arbitral tribunal formed pursuant to the United Nations Convention for the Law of the Sea issued a blockbuster award finding much of China’s conduct in the South China Sea in violation of international law. As
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and elsewhere, the Philippines won about as big a legal victory as it could have expected. But as many of us also warned that day, a legal victory is not the same as an actual victory.

In fact, over the past year China has succeeded in transforming its legal defeat into a policy victory by maintaining its aggressive South China Sea policies while escaping sanction for its non-compliance. While the election of a new pro-China Philippines government is a key factor, much of the blame for China’s victory must also be placed on the Obama Administration.

First, some background. As Chris Mirasola and I have detailed in several posts here atLawfare, China has only taken one meaningful act in the past year that brings it closer to compliance with the arbitral award. In November, China began allowing Philippine fisherman to fish near and around the Scarborough Shoal,
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. But on every other measure, China has continued to defy the award, especially by maintaining artificial islands on reefs which the tribunal ruled give China no maritime legal entitlements.

International law seldom enforces itself, and even the reputational costs of violating international law do not arise unless other states impose those costs on the law-breaker. Both the Philippines and the U.S. had policy options that would have raised the costs of China’s non-compliance with the award. But neither country’s government chose to press China on the arbitral award.

For instance, the Philippines could have sought regional and international support for demanding China’s compliance with the arbitral award. It could have demanded China’s compliance – or at least continued to emphasize its rights under the award – during ASEAN meetings and in bilateral talks with China. It could have raised the award at the UN General Assembly as well as during meetings of state-parties of UNCLOS. But the new government of Rodrigo Duterte chose to downplay the arbitral award in search of warmer relations with China, especially warmer economic relations.

But even without full support from the Philippines, the U.S. government could have done much more than it did. As I noted last summer here on
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, the U.S. could and did try “diplomatic shamefare” by seeking to win support among other nations, especially Southeast Asian nations, for demanding China’s compliance with the arbitral award. But while the U.S. did make some efforts, its half-hearted diplomacy paled in comparison to China’s energetic diplomatic and global public relations campaign to defend its non-compliance. While US officials held a few conference calls after the award was issued, China’s talented diplomatic corps spent the months leading up to the award blanketing the world’s print, online, and social media with China’s legal positions.

When China is broadcasting videos defending itself on its large screen in New York’s Times Square, a few State Department conference calls on background is just not going to cut it as a response. If the U.S. wanted to use the arbitral award to build support for opposing China’s South China Sea activities, it needed to act early and act big. But then-Secretary Kerry’s State Department didn’t respond effectively, and so China was able to largely avoid any diplomatic consequences from defying the award. As the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative has detailed
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, only 7 countries have called on China to comply with the award, 6 supported China, and the rest have largely remained silent or neutral. Even the normally pro-international-adjudication EU failed to issue a statement calling on China’s compliance.

In September, then-President Obama entered the fray by calling on China to comply with the arbitral award
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to the September G-20 summit in Hangzhou China. He also
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with Chinese President Xi. With Japan’s support, the G-7 has issued several statements noting the importance of complying with international law in maritime disputes and
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the arbitral award a “useful basis” for resolving the disputes in the region. But none of these statements seemed to have influenced China’s behavior in the least.

For those of us concerned about the impact of President Trump on U.S. influence around the world, we should also remember that even a well-liked, widely-respected (at least in Europe) U.S. president was unable to rally other countries to support a legally binding UNCLOS arbitral award. Moreover, Obama’s frank statements to the Chinese government were simply ignored. Words, even a U.S. president’s words, are not enough to force compliance with international law.

To be sure, it was unlikely China would ever openly comply with the arbitral award. But the U.S. under President Obama and Secretary Kerry missed a huge opportunity to use the arbitral award to impose serious reputational costs on China. A sophisticated global public relations campaign explaining why China really did have a legal obligation to comply with the award would have helped a great deal. But the U.S. could also have taken the opportunity to demonstrate its seriousness by conducting naval operations near and around China’s artificial islands and imposing targeted economic sanctions on Chinese companies and individuals taking actions that violate the arbitral award.

The Trump Administration began such naval operations near China’s artificial islands this spring, and there is some support in Congress for South China Sea sanctions. But both actions would have been much more credible if they had been taken last summer when the arbitral award was still fresh. The Philippines would probably have had to follow the U.S. lead on this, and other countries might of as well. As
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, President Obama had the authority to do so without Congress, just as he had the authority to impose similar sanctions against Russia after the Crimea annexation.

Such strong, decisive U.S. action could have significantly raised the costs for further Chinese activities in the region and elsewhere. It would have demonstrated to U.S. allies like the Philippines as well as possible future allies like Vietnam that the U.S. was willing to push back against China in a significant way. Even a threat of such sanctions would have been a useful pressure point and perhaps a bargaining chip.

But the Obama Administration ultimately chose a different path. Administration officials, including the President, talked about the award, but did nothing to concretely support the award. This was possibly the worst of both worlds. Looking back after one year, we cannot say (yet) that U.S. policy in the South China Sea is a failure. But we can say that the U.S. under President Obama missed a huge opportunity to change the dynamics in the region in its favor, and it is hard to know whether or when another such opportunity will arise in the future.

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Of course many of us had already knew this.;) But I disagree with the article tying the blame mostly on the Obama administration for the US SCS losing. There wasn't much President Obama could do at the time because the world is changing and so are the politics and economics of things.

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Pretty shallow propaganda article written as if the arbitration panel had jurisdiction and as if the divergent interpretations of international law is just a high school popularity contest. Casting blame on Obama is just the author politicizing the issue for US domestic politics.
 

sanblvd

Junior Member
Registered Member
Another similar article.

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Basically besides China play its cards right, China also got very very lucky, US presidential transition and Trump the new president being extremely incompetent, abandon TPP from first week to his obsession with himself, and of course, Philippine also had a president transition with someone who is much more favorable to China etc...

US will continue to sail ships into those islands, but the battle is already over now.
 
Another similar article.

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Basically besides China play its cards right, China also got very very lucky, US presidential transition and Trump the new president being extremely incompetent, abandon TPP from first week to his obsession with himself, and of course, Philippine also had a president transition with someone who is much more favorable to China etc...

US will continue to sail ships into those islands, but the battle is already over now.

This is a very different article since it advocates seeking accommodation rather than conflict. Though yes indeed China has been very lucky.

China may have turned the tide of battle for the mood and overall direction of the territorial disputes for now, seeking consensual resolution rather than conflict, but China has not "won" the territorial disputes per se.

Other claimants control plenty of holdings and can do whatever they want with them, the disputes have not been settled yet, China merely protected its own holdings and its right to do whatever it wants with those. Also the US can still do pretty much whatever it wants in the region.
 

joshuatree

Captain
US Navy came within 12 miles of trinton island, part of paracel chain. Those are natural islands.

Basically , US is saying it doesn't recognize China ownership of paracel. It's a mjor escalation than simple FONOP at spratley.

Well, China should return the favor and sail within 12 miles of Guam, and it shouldn't recognize US ownership of Guam.

Not enough detail, did the US naval ship sailed within 12 NM of Triton operate in a manner consistent with innocent passage? If so, they would be simply demonstrating that. Also, what position was the ship relative to the island? Was it within China's declared archipelagic baselines so they are demonstrating nonrecognition of declared internal waters? But none of this necessarily means not recognizing Chinese ownership of Paracels.
 

Iron Man

Major
Registered Member
A balance and logical article on SCS. The cacophony and drumbeat of the war monger is getting louder and louder without even thinking the consequence. This article refute the propaganda by AMTI
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When reporting on the South China Sea, it has become commonplace for media around the world to draw upon think tank research detailing China’s developing military capable facilities in the region.

Some use the information to bolster campaigns to convince the US Trump administration that China presents an imminent threat to the country’s interests, including freedom of navigation. But the deepening drumbeat for the US to militarily confront China in the South China Sea should be considered with a healthy dose of scepticism.

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by the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative (AMTI) at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies describes China’s latest construction projects in the South China Sea, concluding that it “can now deploy military assets including combat aircraft and mobile missile launchers to the Spratly Islands at any time.”

This is fact. But the AMTI director also warned in a subsequent interview to “look for deployment in the near future”. This implies that China intends to use these facilities to do so. This is supposition.

2017-03-28T013823Z_1_LYNXMPED2R026_RTROPTP_4_SOUTHCHINASEA-CHINA-SPRATLYS-580x500.jpg

Construction is shown on Mischief Reef, in the Spratly Islands, the disputed South China Sea in this satellite image released by CSIS Asia Maritime Transparency Inititative at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Photo: CSIS/AMTI DigitalGlobe/handout via Reuters
Australia’s Lowy Institute released
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fretting that “these strategic outposts will permit Beijing to enhance its power projection capabilities and establish anti-access zones right across the South China Sea”. There are many bad things that could happen in the South China Sea. But that doesn’t mean that they will.

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flourishes when academic analysts themselves push US-slanted research. Let’s take the concern that China will interfere with freedom of commercial navigation. Media articles often cite the more than US$5 trillion trade that transits the South China Sea.

The obvious inference is that China may use their facilities to disrupt this trade. This is possible. But China has not done so, is unlikely to do so and maintains it will not do so. China’s economy depends on seaborne trade through the South China Sea, which would likely be interrupted in a conflict.

war.jpg

This May 10, 2015 US Navy handout photo shows the aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson in the South China Sea. The Carl Vinson Strike Group is deployed to the U.S. 7th Fleet in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region. AFP/ US Navy/LT. Jonathan Pfaff.
The United States has cleverly conflated freedom of commercial navigation with the freedom to undertake provocative military intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance activities (ISR).

The US argument is that freedom of navigation is indivisible and includes both commercial navigation and US IRR probes.

The United States then argues that China’s interference with its military vessels and aircraft in and over China’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) violates freedom of navigation. But China argues that it is not challenging freedom of navigation itself, only the abuse of this right by the US military in its EEZ.

plane1.jpg

A Chinese H-6K long range bomber flies over Panatag (Scarborough) Shoal in the Philippine Exclusive Economic Zone after the UN Permanent Court of Arbitration trashed China’s 9-Dash Line claim.
US ISR missions include active ‘tickling’ of China’s coastal defences to provoke and observe a response, interference with shore to ship and submarine communications, ‘preparation of the battlefield’ using legal ambiguities to evade the scientific research consent regime, and tracking of China’s new nuclear submarines for potential targeting as they enter and exit their base.

In China’s view these are not passive intelligence collection activities commonly undertaken and usually tolerated by most states. Moreover, they are not uses of the ocean for peaceful purposes as required by
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, but are intrusive and controversial practices threatening the use of force which is prohibited by the UN Charter.

Western think-tank research seems often one-sided and focused on ‘outing’ China. More balanced analysis would pay equivalent attention to other claimants’ activities — particularly those of the US navy and its own ‘militarisation’ of the South China Sea.

While China might present a problem for the US navy in encounters close to the Chinese mainland, the United States still maintains the overall military advantage in the South China Sea. It currently operates with combat military vessels and aircraft as well as manned ISR assets. It is also deploying aerial, surface and underwater drones to the area.

SouthChinaSea-02.png

South China Sea disputed islands
Research on the South China Sea also commonly neglects the vulnerability of China’s installations to the US capability to destroy them. In any conflict scenario — and interference with commercial freedom of navigation would likely incite conflict — these facilities would be indefensible in the face of US long-range cruise missiles.

According to Dennis Blair, retired Admiral and former US director of national intelligence, “The Spratlys are 900 miles away from China for God’s sake. Those things have no ability to defend themselves in any sort of military sense. The Philippines and the Vietnamese could put them out of action, much less us.”

Vietnam has deployed advanced mobile rocket launchers to some of the features it occupies thus threatening China’s installations.

China apparently does not consider defensive installations ‘militarisation’. It has repeatedly warned it will defend itself if the United States persists with provocative ISR probes and Freedom of Navigation exercises (
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and occupied features.

In a January 2016 teleconference with US Chief of Naval Operations John Richardson, Chinese naval commander Wu Shengli said that “We won’t not set up defences. How many defences completely depends on the level of threat we face”. Self-defence is every nation’s right.

There is obviously disagreement over the definition of ‘militarisation’ and who is doing it. Was the recent US deployment of the USS Carl Vinson aircraft carrier strike force into the South China Sea ‘militarising’ the Sea? What about US ally Japan announcing with great media hype that it will send its largest naval vessel there? Both China and the US are
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— at least in each other’s eyes.


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Really it's the Chinese government that should be saying these things in international forums such as the UN and public press releases rather than a low-readership online site like Asia Times.
 

plawolf

Lieutenant General
Really it's the Chinese government that should be saying these things in international forums such as the UN and public press releases rather than a low-readership online site like Asia Times.

I think there are two considerations at play in China not making its case for forcefully and publicly internationally.

Firstly, to become the champion of an alternative world view inevitably puts you into a direct confrontational stance against the champion of the incumbent view, aka USA.

For China to do that risks falling into the trap laid by elements within the US who sees China as a mortal foe and wish to kick off Cold War 2.0 or even a world war to destroy China before, in their view, China grows strong enough to destroy the US.

Right now, the people who holds such extremist views are in the extreme minority in the US (even if they disporotionately holds key roles in the US military and government).

However, for China to publicly and forcefully challenge an US-led consensus is to make China 'the other side' in the minds of more and more Americans.

Right now, China is only pushing back when the US comes making trouble on its doorstep, which, despite the relentless western media propaganda, most Americans and westerners find it hard to fully buy into the MSM party line that China is the aggressive party.

It is for similar reasons that China does not condition reciprocal intel gathering and deliberately probing or defences US forces routinely conducts against China even though it has the military capability to do so.

The second reason is that China does not want to set the precedent of explaining itself to the western public.

The Chinese government has only ever said what it wants to say. It makes statements and answers questions as and when it chooses, because it chooses. It does not owe answers or explanations to any foreigners.

That is, and has always been China's position. And it does not want to create any prescesents whereby the foreign press, governments or peoples get into the habit of expecting to demand answers from China.

Western propaganda specialists have been years trying to temp, trick and force China to play their games by publicly explaining itself, and thus far, China has resisted all such lures.
 
according to USNI News
Experts Wary White House Could Trade Beijing South China Sea Concessions for Help With North Korea
While Southeast Asian nations take comfort from the Trump administration’s stated interest in the region, a Singapore-based international security expert said they still remain wary of the president turning their territorial disputes with China as a bargaining chip to pressure Beijing to rein in North Korea.

Joseph Liow, dean of comparative and international politics at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, said even though Defense Secretary James Mattis and Secretary of State Rex Tillerson in their visits to the region have tried to allay fears these nations see “a lack of clarity” in what the administration intends to do.

The question they raise, he said, is who is in charge of making the evolving strategy: the national security team or the president’s inner circle when it comes to Southeast Asia and overall policy in the Asia-Pacific.

Speaking Tuesday at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, he pointed to “less interaction” between officials below the ministerial level across the region with the United States and warned, “the devil is in the details” in hammering out solutions to problems.

While “Southeast Asia does not have a unified position” on how to approach China, Liow told the audience at the Washington, D.C., think tank many nations there regard “the frequency of FON ops [freedom of navigation operations] as a litmus test” of American commitment but see the administration’s use of them as sporadic.

He added they as a group and especially their leading business figures “are adverse to sending any kind of signal that China might consider provocative” because of the close economic ties these nations have with Beijing. They also point to the Trump administration’s walking away from pursuing the Trans Pacific Partnership trade agreement as another reason to keep Beijing always in mind in their foreign relations.

Dang Cam Tu, deputy director of Vietnam’s Institute for Strategic Studies Academy, said Hanoi was encouraged by the recent joint statement in Washington where the administration pledged to work together with Vietnam to build a “deeper, more substantive and more effective relationship” to counter China’s moves in the South China Sea. That pledge also could serve to counter China’s “charm offensive” economically to exert greater regional influence.

She added some nations view the deal-making promises of President Donald Trump when he was campaigning as meaning “the new administration being more aware of opportunities” beyond the military and security rebalancing of the Obama era.

Like Liow, Tu said Vietnam is concerned whether the Trump team will commit the personnel resources to show its commitment to Southeast Asia beyond Freedom of Navigation operations and voicing support for the rule of international law to settle disputes. Trade and development top these nations’ agendas.

Hanoi and others in the Association of South East Asia Nations also worry that their interests could be shoved aside as China and the United States explore their future relationship and Washington develops its larger strategy for the Asia-Pacific.

Viewing the region from a different perspective, Nong Hong, executive director of the Institute for China-America Studies in Washington, D.C., said Beijing was taken aback by the early July transit of destroyer Stethem by Triton Island. She said what surprised China was it was being asked to lean on North Korea to end its nuclear weapons program and missile testing at the same time as the operation took place.

She said the United States and China will continue to disagree whether the reclaimed coral reefs are being used for purposes other than to exercise military presence and bolster Beijing territorial claims in the South China Sea. She said that is one part of the differences in how China and the United States view each other’s presence and moves in that part of the Asia-Pacific.

In Beijing’s view, Hong said the Chinese leadership believes it “very carefully” explained why it did not have to follow an arbitration panel’s ruling in its dispute with the Philippines, using grounds of historic use that differed from provisions of the Law of the Sea agreement.

“The management of the South China Sea [as an issue] can’t just be military, Colin Willett, former deputy assistant secretary of State, said. The Trump administration has to decide “how are we going to engage [American allies and partners] bilaterally and multilaterally” in the future. She added that included building their capacity.
source:
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plawolf

Lieutenant General
according to USNI News
Experts Wary White House Could Trade Beijing South China Sea Concessions for Help With North Korea
source:
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Typical greedy and mafia style 'trade' from America, seeing how there would be no SCS flashpoint if not for their own active and relentless shitstirring.

Create a problem and then offer to 'help' by stopping sustain it, in exchange for real painful consessions from China.

Would be like if China gave public and vocal support to the likes of Black Panthers in the US, and secretly funnelled military grade weapons, munitions and communications equipment to such extremist groups, as well as funding and organisational support to create a race war in the US and then offering to 'help' the US solve that problem if America helped China reunite with Taiwan.

Real great trade that would be for China!
 
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