Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and Global South strategic cooperation

PiSigma

"the engineer"
A highly unusual request from India—or rather, from Air India to Delhi and then potentially to Beijing—to use Chinese airspace (specifically over Xinjiang) for commercial flights. This is due to Pakistan's airspace being closed to India since May, which has caused significant financial strain on their flagship airline.



As a result, Air India is losing market share to competitors and struggling with increased operating costs.



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Personally, I doubt Beijing would be amenable to such a request. However, if India is willing to offer suitable concessions in other areas (lower investment barriers, for example) then it might be possible to work something out.
India need to publicly announce to the world that India recognize China borders as China defines them, as in South Tibet and scs.
 

Wrought

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LNG imports from Russia hit a new record in September, amid claims of discounts up to 40% on sanctioned cargoes.

China imported a record 1.299 million metric tons of Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG) in September, according to Chinese customs data
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Thursday. That total marked a roughly 73% increase from September 2024, when imports reached 751,000 tons, the Interfax news agency reported. The previous monthly record was 1 million tons in July 2023. Including pipeline deliveries, Russia sent 4.078 billion cubic meters of gas to China in September, up 37% from the same month last year.

September’s uptick in LNG deliveries to China
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with increased production at Novatek’s Arctic LNG 2 project, which began operations in December 2023 but cut output to zero by November 2024. Production resumed this year after Novatek offered discounts of up to 40% to attract Chinese buyers, Reuters
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. Chinese authorities are believed to have approved the imports. The Arctic LNG 2 project, co-owned by allies of President Vladimir Putin, was targeted by U.S. sanctions in 2024, which included restrictions on associated vessels and companies. Despite the sanctions, Chinese buyers have continued to purchase Russian LNG without apparent repercussions from Washington.

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Wrought

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Paper on outreach efforts to train police in other countries, which is mostly but not exclusively handled by MPS under the GSI branding.

This paper examines China’s foreign police, security, and paramilitary training from 2000 to 2025. It draws on an original new dataset of nearly 900 trainings provided to at least 138 countries and places these trainings in the wider context of Chinese soft power, foreign policy objectives and projects such as the Global Security Initiative, broader patterns of Chinese security engagement, and Beijing’s narratives about China’s role as a global security provider. The dataset highlights the scale, growth, breadth of regional and topical coverage, and functional intensity of China’s foreign police training efforts.

A majority of the world’s countries have received police and domestic security training from China, giving Beijing a role in the internal security organs and policing practices of countries around the world. China’s provision of foreign police training increased before the COVID-19 pandemic, then paused, and has now begun to expand again, though publicly documented trainee numbers fall well short of China’s public commitments. Countries bordering China receive more police trainings, and a wide range of institutions inside the PRC are involved in providing such trainings, including some with clear regional specializations. Although China’s foreign police training efforts are most concentrated on its regional periphery, they increasingly extend to encompass most of the world, accumulating regional variations in emphasis that reflect the ways that regional security challenges mix with Chinese interests abroad.

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Also refer to this previous paper about similar GSI activities.

Global outreach by China’s internal security agencies is expanding, and now plays an important, yet overlooked role in the overall foreign and security policy of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Nonmilitary security cooperation is emerging as the centerpiece of China’s signature security effort, the Global Security Initiative (GSI). The GSI externalizes and aims to build international support for Xi Jinping’s “comprehensive national security concept,” which centers on protecting internal regime security. Alongside traditional military diplomacy conducted by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the PRC Ministry of Public Security (MPS) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Political-Legal Commission (CPLC) now actively engage in security diplomacy and security cooperation with a growing range of foreign partners. This paper explores this activity using original data on China’s nonmilitary security diplomacy at the global, regional, and bilateral levels.

Under the banner and branding of the GSI, China is building new global architecture for security cooperation centered on law enforcement and police agencies, particularly the Global Public Security Cooperation Forum (Lianyungang) (GPSCFL). The PRC’s internal security agencies are also creating and strengthening mechanisms for regional security cooperation in Southeast and Central Asia and the Pacific Islands, while pursuing lower level but maturing outreach to Africa and Latin America. These engagements occur in tandem with robust bilateral outreach—over two hundred distinct interactions over the past three years alone. Global and regional security-focused diplomatic forums promote overarching principles developed by the PRC and propagate China’s preferred norms, standards, and practices around security, promoting a vision which regime security and global security are deeply entwined. This concerted diplomatic push in the nonmilitary security arena externalizes and legitimizes China’s approach to internal security, while explicitly constructing global security cooperation frameworks that offer an alternative to the Western-led security order, in part because they avoid competing with it.

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Wrought

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The net result of refinery sanctions for importing Russian oil is....more imports of Russian oil.

Rajesh Chopra, an analyst with energy consultancy XAnalysts, said stepped-up Russian crude buying by sanctioned refiners is an unintended consequence. "These sanctions are proving ... kind of counterproductive because instead of stopping the Russian crude processing in those complexes, it's not giving the sanctioned refiners any other option but to process more Russian crude," he said.

To plug the gap left by mainstream suppliers, Yulong
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15 cargoes of Russian oil for November, roughly doubling its typical monthly intake, traders said. Yulong added more than 10 Russian cargoes for December delivery, traders said.

With few alternatives, traders said they expect Yulong to rely even more on Russian oil, which at a current discount of over $5 versus the Middle Eastern benchmark, will bolster the loss-making firm's margins. "Overall, it's a blessing in disguise," said a Chinese executive who deals in Russian oil. "With cheaper, abundant Russian oil, Yulong could fly high and fly free."

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Wrought

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Huawei and ZTE are expanding 5G coverage to Vietnam, breaking years of de facto exclusion despite US objections.

HANOI, Nov 28 (Reuters) - China's leading telecommunication firms Huawei and ZTE
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have won a string of contracts this year to supply 5G equipment in Vietnam, in another sign of Hanoi's strengthening bonds with Beijing, stirring concern among Western officials, seven people with direct knowledge of the situation told Reuters. For years, Vietnam was seen as reluctant to use Chinese technology in sensitive infrastructure, but in recent months it has embraced Chinese tech companies as sometimes frosty relations with its northern neighbour have
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while ties with Washington have soured over tariffs on Vietnamese goods.

Under Western pressure, Vietnam long took "a wait-and-see approach" to Chinese technology, said Nguyen Hung, a specialist in supply chains at RMIT University Vietnam. But "Vietnam has its own priorities," he added, noting the new deals could spur deeper economic integration with China. Hanoi and Beijing have made progress recently on other sensitive projects, including
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and special economic zones close to the Chinese border, which Vietnam had previously discarded as security risks.

The Chinese contracts have been discussed in at least two meetings of senior Western officials in Hanoi in recent weeks, diplomatic sources said. In one meeting, a U.S. official warned they could undermine trust in Vietnam’s networks and jeopardise access to U.S. advanced technology. In a meeting this month officials explored whether areas using Chinese technology could be sealed off from the rest of the network to prevent data leaks, one of the sources said. But suppliers of antennas and equipment could still gain access to network data, said Innocenzo Genna, a telecommunications lawyer, noting "Western contractors may face the awkward prospect of working alongside firms they do not trust."

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Wrought

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Russia now offers 30-day visa-free travel, reciprocating Chinese policies from September.

Russian President Vladimir Putin signed an order to allow visa-free entry into the country for Chinese citizens as ties between the two nations continue to deepen. Chinese citizens will be able to enter the country for 30 days for business and tourism starting from Monday, according to the order, which was published on a government website. The measure runs until Sept. 14 next year. A few categories of travelers, including journalists and students, will still require visas under the order.

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